LIBRARY 


TORRIS  WRIGHT  COTEY 

H  tribune  of  tbe  Biacfe  people 

BY 
HIS  DAUGHTER 

MAUD  CUNEY  HARE 

WITH   AN    INTRODUCTION    BY 

JAMES  S.  CLARKSON 

Formerly  Surveyor  of  Customs  of  the  Port  of  New  York 


THE  CRISIS  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

26  VESEY  STREET,  XEW  YORK  CITY 

1913 


LOAN  STACK 


Copyright,  1913, 

BY 

MAUD  CUNEY  HARE 


ROBERT  N.  WOOD, 

PRINTER, 
202  East  Ninety-ninth  Street,  New  York 


H 


INTRODUCTION 


MR.  CUNEY'S  life,  as  it  is  here  so  faithfully 
portrayed  by  his  devoted  daughter,  deserves  to 
be  told  as  much  for  the  inspiration  of  the  many 
other  gallant  and  intrepid  souls  in  the  future 
who  will  have  to  achieve  success  against  many 
difficulties  and  discouragements  as  he  did,  as 
in  just  and  deserved  honor  and  tribute  to  him 
for  the  good  that  he  so  nobly  won  to  himself 
and  the  greater  good  he  so  constantly  sought 
and  found  for  his  fellow  men.  His  work  was 
always  more  for  humanity  than  for  himself. 
His  kindly  nature,  his  boundless  heart,  his 
desire  always  to  be  of  service  to  the  weak,  his 
sense  of  justice  and  spirit  of  sacrifice,  his  loy 
alty  to  friendship  and  his  high  ideals  as  to 
every  man's  duty  to  his  fellow  men  impressed 
everyone  who  ever  knew  him,  and  impressed  most 
deeply  those  who  knew  him  best  and  therefore 
knew  something  of  the  full  quality  and  measure 
of  his  constant  and  generous  service  to  man 
kind.  Those  who  knew  him  from  his  childhood 
say  that  in  his  younger  days,  his  heart  was  a 
shelter  for  the  weak  and  needy  of  any  and  every 
iii 


283 


iv  INTKODUCTION 

race ;  and  all  who  ever  came  to  know  him  at  all, 
knew  that  this  spirit  constantly  increased  with 
his  years. 

I  knew  him  from  1876,  when  I  became 
acquainted  with  him  at  the  Republican  National 
Convention  at  Cincinnati — the  Convention  in 
which  occurred  the  famous  contest  between 
Elaine  and  Conkling,  a  rivalry  which  divided 
the  party  into  factions  for  nearly  the  whole 
generation  that  followed.  It  was  in  the  storms 
and  contests  of  that  noted  Convention,  and  in 
those  of  the  compaign  preceding  for  the  elec 
tion  of  delegates,  that  were  formed  the  closest 
and  most  precious  friendships  of  my  political 
life,  and  indeed  of  my  whole  life.  For  I,  now 
on  reaching  the  year  of  grace  allotted  to  man 
by  the  Bible  have  the  one  testimony  to  give 
that  the  so-called  world  of  politics,  instead  of 
being  all  self-seeking  and  selfishness,  is  the  one 
field  of  human  action  where  more  true  and  gen 
erous  men  are  found,  and  wherein  more  true 
and  lasting  friendships  are  formed,  and  more 
willing  and  actual  sacrifices  made,  than  in  any 
other  field  of  rivalry  and  competition  among  men. 
There  are,  indeed,  many  selfish  and  grasping 
spirits  to  be  found  in  that  world.  But  there 
are  in  it  far  more  men  who  are  good  and 
generous  and  patriotic,  who  form  the  life  guard 
and  decide  the  destiny  of  the  Nation,  and  who, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  great  effort  to  estab- 


1NTEODUCTION  y 

lish  human  freedom  on  this  Continent  until 
the  present  day,  have  been  both  the  inspiring 
and  sustaining  power  that  has  guaranteed  and 
continued  its  success. 

It  was  in  that  Convention  at  Cincinnati 
that  I  came  to  know  Mr.  Fessenden  of  Con 
necticut,  Mr.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey,  Col.  Goodloe 
of  Kentucky,  General  Dudley  and  Mr.  Michener 
of  Indiana,  Col.  Foraker  and  Col.  Conger  of 
Ohio,  Senator  Elkins  of  West  Virginia,  Senator 
Platt  and  Mr.  Fassett  of  New  York,  Senator 
Quay  of  Pennsylvania,  Senator  Spooner,  Henry 
C.  Payne  and  Senator  Sawyer  of  Wisconsin, 
Governor  Alger  of  Michigan,  Mr.  Kerens,  Mr. 
Van  Horn  and  Mr.  Filley  of  Missouri,  Cyrus 
Leland  of  Kansas,  Senator  Thurston  and 
Church  Howe  of  Nebraska,  Mr.  De  Young  and 
Judge  Estee  of  California,  and  in  the  South 
General  Clayton  of  Arkansas,  Governor  War- 
mouth  and  Lieut.  Gov.  Pinchback  of  Louisi 
ana,  Mr.  Parsons  of  Alabama,  Mr.  Brownlow 
of  Tennessee  and  Mr.  Cuney  of  Texas.  These 
men  and  scores  of  others  who  ought  to  be  men 
tioned  in  any  roll  call  of  the  faithful  and  useful 
men  of  the  Republican  Party  in  those  days, 
represented  the  Blaine  and  Conkling  and  all 
other  elements  in  the  party.  All  these  leaders 
and  all  others  as  well,  quickly  came  to  know 
Mr.  Cuney  both  in  the  campaigns  for  the  nomi 
nation  of  the  Presidential  candidates  and  in  the 


vi  INTRODUCTION 

campaign  for  their  election  afterwards,  and  to 
recognize  the  sterling  and  noble  qualities  of  his 
manhood  and  his  personality,  as  well  as  his 
rare  and  useful  abilities  as  a  political  leader. 
Throughout  all  the  years  that  followed  he  kept 
a  good  name  and  an  unshaken  influence  in  the 
higher  and  more  controlling  councils  of  the 
Party. 

In  the  close  friendships  that  were  formed  with 
ten  or  twelve  of  the  leaders,  all  of  whom  served 
together  at  different  times  as  members  of  the 
National  Committee,  from  twelve  to  fifteen  or 
twenty  years,  Mr.  Cuney  was  always  highly 
regarded  and  highly  prized  by  them  all.  Always 
trusted  and  never  doubted  by  this  fellowship 
consisting  of  Fessenden,  Hobart,  Goodloe,  Clark- 
son,  Foraker,  Conger,  Fassett,  Payne,  Thurston, 
Manley,  Dudley,  Leland,  De  Young,  Clayton, 
and  Cuney  and  at  different  times  five  or 
six  others,  Mr.  Cuney  was  always  accepted  as 
one  of  the  most  dependable  allies  and  most  re 
liable  councillors,  and  was  always  insisted  upon 
as  one  of  those  who  were  to  attend  all  the 
inside  Party  councils  and  all  the  important  pub 
lic  and  private  conferences  of  the  National  Com 
mittee,  both  during  the  Presidential  Campaigns 
and  in  the  intervening  years.  All  these  gentle 
men  as  well  as  the  other  leading  members  of  the 
Committee  early  came  to  know  the  value  of  his 
service  and  the  Party  recognized  his  honest 


INTEODUCTION  vii 

standards  and  ideals,  and  gaining  personal  lik 
ing  for  him  as  well,  all  came  to  have  implicit 
faith  in  him.  In  the  Party  Councils  at  Wash 
ington,  too,  he  would  often  be  taken  into 
private  conferences  between  the  President  and 
other  high  public  and  Party  officials  and  was 
always  one  whose  judgment  was  consulted  and 
whose  influence  was  recognized.  He  was  always 
accepted  and  valued  as  an  intimate  friend  by 
Mr.  Elaine  through  all  the  years  of  that  great 
leader's  prominence  and  popularity.  I  parti 
cipated  in  several  interviews  of  Mr.  Cuney  with 
President  Harrison  and  with  various  members 
of  the  cabinet,  and  he  impressed  them  all  by 
his  personal  bearing  as  he  had  previously  done 
by  his  general  value  and  fidelity  to  the  Party. 
President  Harrison  rendered  conspicuous 
recognition  and  tribute  to  him,  his  ability  and 
his  personal  worth  and  his  party  rank,  by  ap 
pointing  him  collector  of  the  Port  of  Galveston, 
the  federal  office  of  first  importance  in  Texas 
and  scarcely  second  to  the  collectorship  at  New 
Orleans  in  the  whole  South.  His  high  standing 
at  home — the  best  test  of  any  man's  worth — 
was  shown  by  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  lead 
ing  Democratic  business  men  of  Galveston  and 
practically  of  the  whole  State,  united  in  a  peti 
tion  to  President  Harrison  endorsing  him  above 
all  other  Republicans  in  the  State  for  this  office. 
His  administration  of  the  office  fully  justified 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

the  President's  high  estimate  of  his  worth  and 
ability.  The  records  of  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  still  stand  as  proof  that  the  office  under 
his  direction  was  managed  with  equal  ability 
and  fidelity,  and  gained  the  endorsement  of  the 
department  as  being  one  of  the  best  managed 
offices  in  the  country.  For  all  time,  the  superior 
record  he  made  in  that  responsible  position  will 
stand  to  his  credit  and  that  of  his  race  as  being 
capable  of  furnishing  sufficient  ability  and  devo 
tion  for  the  highest  public  service. 

The  traits  that  I  admired  most  in  Mr.  Cuney, 
in  addition  to  those  which  I  have  already  named, 
were  his  pervading  and  dominating  personality, 
which  every  one  could  see  and  feel  as  soon  as 
he  came  to  know  him,  and  as  being  among  those 
who  had  taught  themselves  not  to  grasp  but  to 
give,  and  always  to  give  more  than  his  share; 
and  furthermore  and  especially  his  pride  in  his 
own  race.  In  this  latter  respect  he  showed  more 
intelligence  and  more  courageous  loyalty  than 
any  man  of  his  own  race  I  have  ever  known, 
except  Frederick  Douglass,  the  greatest  of  his 
people  and  one  of  the  greatest  of  Americans, 
whom  I  was  also  privileged  to  know  intimately 
and  with  whose  unquestioning  friendship  and 
good  will  I  was  also  honored.  They  both  realized, 
as  do  all  intelligent  men  of  open  and  fair  minds, 
that  the  God  of  Christian  people  was  never 
capable  of  being  cruel  enough  to  create  one  race 


INTRODUCTION  [x 

of  human  beings  to  be  inferior  to  all  others, 
or  to  be  enslaved,  oppressed  and  degraded  by 
another  race,  just  as  they  knew  that  no  other 
race  of  the  present  or  the  past,  could  have 
endured  so  many  centuries  of  degradation  and 
slavery  to  emerge  from  it  with  more  of  remain 
ing  or  unextinguished  intelligence  nor  perhaps 
with  as  much  of  patience  and  with  as  little 
bitterness  of  spirit  as  this  darkest  of  all  races 
has  done.  And  just  as  Mr.  Cuney's  nature  was 
loyal  to  his  own  people,  so  was  it  loyal  to  every 
cause  and  every  person  he  espoused  or  to  which 
or  whom  he  was  in  the  least  indebted.  As 
much  as  any  man  I  have  ever  known,  he  was 
true  to  every  cause,  every  duty,  and  every  friend 
as  any  one  among  them  all.  To  my  personal, 
actual  knowledge,  he  could  have  amassed  a  for 
tune  from  the  large  sums  of  money,  actually 
proffered  him  and  urged  upon  him  in  several 
of  the  Presidential  campaigns  from  1876  to  1896 
as  a  reward  for  his  influence  and  his  control 
over  the  Texas  delegates  to  the  Republican 
National  Convention  during  those  years.  Mr. 
Mark  Hanna,  who  by  artificial  means  changed 
the  result  of  the  National  Convention  in  1896, 
from  what  it  had  been  ordered  to  be  by  the 
instructions  electing  the  delegates  in  the  States 
and  the  Districts  of  the  Nation,  gave  his  unwill 
ing  but  all  important  tribute  to  Mr.  Cuney's 
loyalty  and  honesty  by  naming  him  to  me  at 


x  INTRODUCTION 

a  dinner  table  in  the  home  of  Vice-President 
Hobart  in  Washington  in  1897  as  having  been 
one  of  the  few  southern  party  leaders  who 
could  not  be  swerved  by  any  inducement  what 
ever,  to  leave  the  friends  with  whom  he  had 
entered  the  contest  or  to  desert  the  candidate 
for  whom  he  and  the  delegates  he  represented 
had  originally  declared  their  preference.  This 
knowledge  of  the  manner  in  which  their  father 
evaded  opportunities  and  temptations  so  great 
that  not  more  than  one  man  in  the  average 
thousand  would  have  resisted  them  all,  is  of 
more  value  and  a  greater  source  of  pride  to 
the  faithful  daughter  who  has  written  this  little 
book  now  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  her 
father  as  one  of  the  most  useful  and  devoted  men 
of  his  race,  and  to  the  equally  faithful  and  de 
voted  son  whose  life  is  also  being  lived  and 
fashioned  in  honor  to  his  father  and  his  prin 
ciples  than  if  he  had  left  them  rich  and  inde 
pendent  in  the  treasures  of  this  world. 

To  me  the  long  years  of  work  and  service  of 
Mr.  Cuney  from  the  time  he  became  prominent, 
first  in  Texas  politics  in  the  early  70's,  and 
next  and  very  rapidly  in  National  politics,  and 
his  prominent  participation  in  politics  until  the 
time  of  his  death  in  1898,  the  important  and 
actual  service  he  rendered  his  race  in  all  those 
years;  and  the  example  he  gave  his  people  in 
character,  influence,  and  work,  formed  an  era 


INTBODUCTION  xi 

and  example  in  American  history  that  should 
be  especially  prized  and  guarded  by  the  Negroes 
of  America,  and  by  all  the  darker  races  through 
out  the  world.  Therefore  I  hope  that  the 
Negro  Society  for  Historical  Research  which 
is  being  organized  by  Mr.  John  E.  Bruce  and 
other  capable  men  in  New  York  City  to  gather 
together  all  the  material  still  accessible  for  mak 
ing  a  more  faithful  and  complete  history  of 
all  that  has  ever  been  accomplished  in  all  fields 
of  endeavor  by  Negroes  in  America,  is  to  be  pro 
vided,  as  well  as  all  other  societies  of  a  similar 
character,  with  a  great  deal  of  Mr.  Cuney's 
correspondence,  speeches,  and  other  records  of 
his  work,  in  those  important  years.  He  was 
always  so  modest  and  reserved  that  his  work 
was  mainly  done  out  of  sight  and  largely  with 
out  public  record;  and  it  is  due  to  the  race 
and  to  the  general  public,  as  much  as  to  him, 
that  his  work  now  be  made  as  fully  known  as 
possible  and  preserved  in  prominent  and  con 
spicuous  form  for  the  future.  I  shall  gladly 
do  what  I  can  to  aid  in  this.  For  although 
his  great  work  and  loyal  service  were  of  such 
large  value  to  his  country  and  his  race  during 
his  life,  the  example  of  his  life  and  the  true 
story  of  his  works  alike  for  his  own  people 
and  for  all  people,  told  as  his  daughter  has  so 
lovingly  and  yet  so  carefully  told  it  in  this 
book,  will  render  still  more  service  to  mankind 


xii  INTEODUCTION 

by  inspiring  and  strengthening  many  other  in 
trepid  souls  who  are  to  rise  from  among  the  many 
millions  of  the  weak  and  lowly  in  the  future. 

It  is  difficult  for  one  who  knew  Mr.  Cuney's 
noble  and  lovable  personal  qualities  and  his 
rare  and  loyal  political  abilities,  as  intimately 
as  I  did,  bringing  me  finally  to  have  for  him 
the  friendship  and  the  affection  that  generally 
are  given  alone  to  kinsmen,  to  bring  this  state 
ment  to  a  close,  or  to  keep  it  within  the  tem 
perature  of  a  formal  public  utterance.  To  me, 
with  an  ancestry  running  back  into  the  days  of 
the  Clarksons  in  England  when  all  of  them 
were  Abolitionists,  all  men  and  all  races  have 
always  been  alike ;  all  children  of  the  same  God, 
and  every  man  of  whatever  race  or  color  depend 
ing  solely  on  his  own  merits  for  affection  or 
esteem.  So  with  all  the  close  friends  and  fel 
low  members  I  had  in  the  Republican  National 
Committee  for  nearly  twenty  years.  In  common 
with  all  the  more  prominent  and  active  mem 
bers  of  the  Committee,  I  came  to  have  as  much 
faith  in  and  as  warm  a  regard  for  Mr.  Cuney, 
and  Perry  H.  Carson — another  fearless  man  and 
loyal  soul — as  for  any  of  our  fellow  workers; 
and  I  am  sure  that  all  of  them  would  give  their 
hearty  approval  to  all  I  have  said  of  Mr.  Cuney 
in  this  article  both  as  to  his  work  and  his  worth. 
No  man  was  ever  more  devoted  to  a  party  or 
a  cause  than  he  was  to  the  Republican  Party. 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

Indeed,  it  was  dearer  to  him  than  his  own  life — 
a  life  which  he  so  often  and  so  willingly  risked 
in  its  support  and  defense.  Even  after  it  had 
in  its  Convention  in  1896  so  unjustly  unseated 
him  and  the  other  legally  elected  delegates  from 
Texas,  and  placed  in  their  seats  men  never 
elected  to  the  places,  and  after  it  had  abandoned 
its  life-long  position  of  placing  human  rights 
above  all  property  rights  and  all  other  rights, 
and  delivered  itself  over  in  a  sordid  surrender 
to  the  control  of  the  dominating  material  inter 
ests  of  the  nation,  his  deep  affection  for  it  still 
remained.  In  the  last  talk  I  ever  had  with  him, 
he  said  he  regretted  its  abandonment  of  the 
supreme  sentiment  of  human  rights  and  its 
alliance  with  the  sordid  interests  of  the  land, 
as  much  for  its  own  sake  as  for  the  sake  of 
his  own  people  thus  abandoned  by  the  party  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  He  said  that  while,  with  its 
historic  devotion  to  the  rights  of  all  men  as 
a  sentiment  that  appealed  to  all  good  hearts 
and  to  all  men  of  conscience,  it  had  been  invin 
cible,  it  would  quickly  find  that  now  that  it 
had  put  its  dependence  on  money  and  the  money 
power,  it  had  lost  the  faith  and  the  favor  of 
the  people  and,  sooner  or  later  and  at  no 
distant  date,  go  the  way  of  the  Whig  Party, 
and  for  the  same  reasons. 

If  Mr.  Cuney  had  lived  to  see  his  own  pro 
phecy  so  grimly  and  so  terribly  fulfilled  in  the 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

sensational  and  epoch-making  political  year  of 
1912,  no  one  would  have  mourned  over  it,  and 
the  national  necessity  for  it,  more  than  he. 
If  he  were  living  now,  I  am  confident  he  would 
agree  with  me  and  with  millions  of  others  who 
used  to  take  as  much  pride  almost  in  being 
Republicans  as  in  being  Americans,  that  the 
only  way  left  for  the  once  splendid  but  now 
repudiated  party  ever  to  return  to  public  confi 
dence  and  respect  and  to  rule  in  the  nation 
again,  is  to  find  its  own  conscience  and  return 
to  the  principles  of  Lincoln  and  the  rule  of  the 
people;  and  go  back  to  the  ever-supreme  duty 
of  creating  equal  rights  and  equal  chance  in 
life  for  all  men,  and  especially  to  the  full  and 
final  redemption  of  Lincoln's  pledge  to  the 
Americans  of  the  colored  race,  in  both  their 
political  and  their  civil  rights.  The  time  is 
now  ripe  for  justice  being  done  as  fully  to  the 
black  race  as  to  the  white  race.  For  now  many 
of  the  better  people  of  the  ever  implacable  and 
unreasonable  South  are  becoming  willing  to  ad 
just  this  wrong,  and  to  eliminate  color  as  a 
test  for  the  suffrage,  and  to  guard  hereafter  the 
purity  and  the  intelligence  of  the  ballot  by 
some  sufficient  and  yet  reasonable  test  as  to  the 
qualifications  of  the  voter,  by  applying  it  to  all 
men  and  all  races  alike.  Meantime  it  is  for 
the  Negroes,  North  as  well  as  South,  to  have 
and  to  show  more  pride  in  race  and  more  unity 


INTRODUCTION 


xv 


and  concert  in  action,  to  realize  that  they  have 
now  in  their  own  numbers  the  power  to  protect 
themselves  as  citizens,  to  recognize  that  they 
as  a  people  have  more  than  paid  their  debt 
to  the  Republican  Party,  to  support  hereafter 
that  party  which  most  recognizes  the  brother 
hood  of  all  men,  to  make  themselves  if  need 
be  the  united  and  acting  balance  of  power  in 
every  Presidential  and  Congressional  Election, 
thus  insuring  and  hastening  the  day  when  the 
black  man's  rights  and  protection  as  a  voter  and 
as  a  husband  and  a  father  shall  be  as  secure  as 
the  white  man's — a  day  which  is  sure  to  come 
as  the  next  few  years  shall  pass,  or  the  nation 
as  a  nation  in  the  end  meet  the  fate  that  the 
Republican  Party  last  year  met  as  a  party. 

I  believe  that  under  the  blessing  of  God  on 
the  faithful  and  useful  life  that  Wright  Cuney 
lived,  this  modest  little  book  by  a  loyal  and 
worthy  daughter,  herself  such  an  ornament  and 
such  an  inspiration  to  her  race,  will  greatly  help 
in  continuing  his  influence  among  his  people 
and  among  all  people  who  would  be  just,  and 
that  it  will  help  in  hastening  the  day  when  this 
great  Republic  shall  no  longer  find  itself  cap 
able  of  denying  to  any  man  or  any  woman  any 
of  the  rights  of  citizenship  or  of  humanity. 

JAMES  S.  CLARKSON 
Tarrytown,  N.  Y. 

February  22,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

INTRODUCTION    iii 

I.  EARLY  DAYS,  1846-1861 1 

II.  THE  YOUTH,  1861-1868 7 

III.  ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS,  1869-1872 11 

IV.  EARLY  LEADERSHIP,  1872-1875 16 

V.  POLITICAL  CAREER,  1876-1880 23 

VI.  IN  BUSINESS 42 

VII.  FORGING  TO  THE  FRONT 48 

VIII.  ALDERMAN  CUNEY 64 

IX.  THE  THICK  OF  THE  FIGHT 69 

X.  HOME  LIFE 79 

XI.  FORT  BEND 84 

XII.  THE  "LILY  WHITES" 92 

XIII.  COLLECTOR  OF  THE  PORT  OF  GALVESTON 105 

XIV.  THE  COLOR  BAR 127 

XV.  POLITICS  AGAIN 135 

XVI.  FIGHTING  THE  ' '  LILY  WHITES  " 143 

XVII.  LINING  UP  FOR  BATTLE 167 

XVIII.  THE  FIRST  DEFEAT 178 

XIX.  THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896 193 

XX.  THE  LAST  DAYS 204 

XXI.  THE  LAST  KITES.  .  .  221 


NORRIS  WRIGHT  CUNEY 


CHAPTER  I. 
EARLY  DAYS;  1846-1861. 

NORRIS  WRIGHT  CUNEY  was  of  Negro,  Indian 
and  Swiss  descent.  The  Negro  and  Indian 
blood  came  through,  his  mother,  Adeline  Stuart, 
for  whom  free  papers  were  executed  by  Col. 
Cuney,  and  who  was  born  in  the  State  of 
Virginia.  Her  mother,  Hester  Neale  Stuart, 
was  of  Potomac  Indian,  Caucasian  and  Negro 
blood,  and  belonged  as  a  slave  to  a  family  named 
Neale  of  Centreville  and  Alexandria,  Virginia. 
Our  grandmother  was  a  woman  of  medium 
height  and  slender;  of  olive  complexion  and 
regular  features,  with  straight  black  hair  and 
dark  eyes. 

The  Caucasian  blood  of  my  father  came 
principally  from  the  Swiss  family  of  Cuneys 
who  were  among  the  early  settlers  of  Virginia, 


2  NORRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

coming  there  with  the  Archinard  family  from 
Switzerland.  About  the  time  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  they  migrated  to  the  new  provinces 
and  became  planters  in  Rapides  Parish.  Dr. 
Samuel  Cuney  married  Edith  Wells,  whose 
children  were  Stephen,  Cassar,  Ben,  Samuel, 
Eichmond  and  Philip.  Philip's  first  wife  was 
Charlotte  Scott,  also  of  the  Wells  family.  Two 
members  of  the  family,  the  granddaughters  of 
Edith  Wells  and  Dr.  Cuney,  Jane  and  Florida, 
over  80  years  of  age  in  1912,  still  lived  on  the 
old  plantation  at  Sugar  Bend,  Louisiana. 

When  the  political  designations  originated 
in  1824,  my  white  grandfather,  Col.  Philip  N. 
Cuney,  who  was  an  ardent  politician,  followed 
the  Whig  division  of  the  Southern  Democracy. 
These  were  days  of  intense  party  feeling,  and 
for  years  a  feud  existed  between  the  two  political 
parties  in  the  Parish  of  Rapides  on  Red  River, 
Louisiana.  In  1827,  on  a  sandbar  opposite 
Natchez,  a  duel  was  fought,  the  principals  being 
Dr.  Maddox,  Major  Wright  and  the  Blanchards 
on  one  side,  the  Wells,  the  Bowies  and  the 
Cuneys  on  the  other.  All  the  parties  engaged 
were  men  of  wealth  and  standing.  The  Wells 
and  Maddox  families  remained  in  the  Parish, 
while  the  Bowies  and  Cuneys  joined  those 
Americans  who  migrated  to  Texas,  the  Bowies 
going  in  1827  and  the  Cuneys  in  1842.  One  of 
the  participants  in  the  Red  River  fight,  James 


EAELT  DATS,  1846-1861  3 

Bowie,  of  "  Bowie  knife"  fame,  became  a  de 
voted  patriot  of  the  State  of  Texas  and  one  of 
the  martyrs  of  the  Alamo. 

When  Col.  Philip  Cuney  came  to  Texas  with 
his  family,  he  settled  in  Waller  County,  near 
Hempstead,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Brazos 
River.  Here,  in  the  heart  of  the  cotton  and 
melon  belt,  he  maintained  a  large  plantation 
and  held  slaves,  among  whom  was  my  grand 
mother,  mentioned  above,  Adeline  Stuart,  who 
bore  him  eight  children  and  whom  he  eventually 
set  free.  There  were  extensive  areas  of  cotton 
under  cultivation,  while  for  miles  stretched 
prairies  full  of  grazing  herds  of  buffalo,  and 
woods  through  which  roamed  wandering  Indian 
tribes.  At  that  time  the  Brazos  River,  stocked 
with  fish  and  alligator,  was  not  open  to  trade, 
a  wide  contrast  to  the  busy  stream  of  to-day 
with  its  many  steamer  ports  and  thriving  harbor 
at  Velasco. 

Here  the  Cuney  clan  became  part  of  that  great 
drama  by  which  Texas  was  made  a  slave  empire 
and  annexed  to  the  United  States  by  the  Mexican 
War. 

In  the  midst  of  that  war,  on  May  12,  1846,  my 
father  was  born  at  "Sunnyside,"  the  plantation 
on  the  Brazos  River  owned  by  his  father,  Col. 
Philip  Cuney.  He  was  the  fourth  of  eight 
children,  all  of  whom,  except  two,  were  born  at 
"Sunnyside."  All  of  the  children  resembled 


4  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

the  mother,  except  one  of  the  two  daughters 
who  was  a  blonde  like  her  father.  Joseph,  the 
second  son,  had  his  father's  blue  eyes  and  the 
mother's  jet-black  hair.  My  father  was  the 
darkest  of  the  children,  with  his  mother's  olive 
complexion,  brown  eyes  and  black  hair.  In 
1853,  when  father  was  seven  years  of  age,  the 
family  moved  to  Houston  and  the  two  older 
boys  were  sent  to  Pittsburgh  to  attend  school. 

My  grandmother  wras  an  especially  active  and 
industrious  little  woman  who  kept  everyone 
about  her  busy  whenever  she  could  find  any 
thing  for  them  to  do.  The  boys  were  always 
at  work  around  the  home,  but  my  father  was 
said  to  be  the  most  difficult  of  the  children,  and 
always  shirked  home  work.  He  never  became  a 
"handy-man  around  the  house."  What  he  de 
lighted  in  was  playing  the  bass-violin  as  taught 
him  by  "Henry  the  fiddler."  Music  of  any  kind 
was  a  rare  thing  in  Houston  in  those  days.  The 
town  was  the  center  for  country-trade  and  the 
little  boy  "Wright,"  playing  his  large  instru 
ment,  was  often  called  upon  to  furnish  pleasure 
to  admiring  crowds. 

In  1859,  when  father  was  13  years  of  age,  he 
was  sent  to  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  to  join  his  brothers, 
Nelson  and  Joseph,  at  school.  The  boys  attended 
the  Wyle  Street  School,  a  colored  institution 
taught  by  George  B.  Vashon. 

There  was  a  ring  of  bad  boys  at  the  school 


EARLY  DAYS,  1846-1861  5 

and  they  came  and  went  as  they  pleased.  When 
ever  the  principal  attempted  to  correct  them, 
they  would  run  and  get  their  hats,  and  hasten 
ing  through  the  back  door,  would  cry  out 
mockingly,  "Good-day,  Mr.  Vashon."  One  day 
a  boy  named  David  Coffee,  with  the  assistance 
of  others  threw  Mr.  Vashon  on  the  floor,  held 
him  down,  and  pulled  his  long  black  whiskers. 
Mr.  Vashon,  proud  of  his  whiskers,  could  not 
have  suffered  a  greater  indignity.  My  father 
was  much  younger  than  any  of  these  boys.  He 
looked  on  full  of  wrath  while  the  boys  were 
teasing  Mr.  Vashon,  until  he  could  stand  it  no 
longer.  The  other  children  were  amazed,  but 
did  not  know  what  to  do.  Finally  father  went 
at  the  mischievous  ones  single-handed,  with  so 
much  vim  and  anger,  that  they  ran  from  the 
room.  So  greatly  surprised  were  they  at  my 
father's  temerity  in  attacking  them,  they  did  not 
stay  to  fight  him. 

He  had  many  friends  among  the  school 
children  ;  in  fact  he  and  his  brothers  were  very 
much  liked  by  all  of  their  playmates,  good  and 
bad.  They  seemed  to  their  comrades  very  dif 
ferent,  with  their  shy  Texas  manners  and  ways, 
exciting  great  curiosity,  but  they  were  really 
liked  because  of  their  frank  friendliness.  All 
of  the  brothers  took  their  studies  seriously  and 
stood  well  up  in  their  classes. 

Their   leisure   was   spent   in   fishing,    rowing 


6  NO£RIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

and  sailing  in  and  about  the  beautiful  pebble- 
bottomed  Allegheny  River,  and  often  in  later 
years  they  would  tell  us  of  those  days  of 
pleasure. 

It  was  intended  that  the  boys  should  attend 
Oberlin  College,  but  as  the  war  came  on  in  1861, 
they  were  cut  off  from  the  allowance  of  money 
from  home. 


CHAPTER  IL 

THE  YOUTH,  1861-1868. 

WHEN  on  April  15,  1861,  President  Lincoln  is 
sued  a  call  for  volunteers,  my  Uncle,  Joseph 
Cuney,  who  had  just  reached  manhood,  left 
Pittsburgh  with  the  63rd  Pennsylvania  Volun 
teers,  while  father  remained  at  school  in  Pitts 
burgh. 

During  the  war  my  Uncle  Joe  had  passed 
a  number  of  times  through  the  little  town  of 
Centreville  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia.  At 
that  time  he  had  no  idea  of  its  personal  inter 
est  and  importance  to  him.  Later  his  mother 
wrote  him  to  go  to  her  birthplace,  Centreville, 
and  find  her  mother,  Hester  Neale  Stuart.  Cen 
treville  had  been  so  over-run  by  both  Con 
federate  and  Union  armies  during  the  war,  that 
many  people  had  left  the  place.  Hester  Stuart 
had  settled  in  Alexandria,  Virginia,  where  she 
was  subsequently  found  living  with  relatives. 
My  grandmother,  who  had  not  seen  her  mother 
for  forty  years,  was  deeply  rejoiced  to  find  her. 
My  great-grandmother  finally  died  at  the  age 
of  one  hundred. 

7 


8  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Uncle  Joe  had  expected  my  father  to  stay 
at  Pittsburgh,  but  the  excitement  became  too 
great  for  him  to  content  himself  with  studies. 
In  1863,  at  the  age  of  17,  he  went  to  St. 
Louis,  thence  to  Cincinnati,  spending  many 
months  on  the  boats  of  the  Mississippi  River. 

While  steamboating  on  the  old  Grey  Eagle 
he  was  often  at  New  Orleans.  There  he  met 
and  formed  life  friendships  with  young  men 
who,  as  Col.  James  Lewis  and  Lieut.  Gov.  Pinch- 
back,  later  became  prominent  in  the  Reconstruc 
tion  period  in  the  State  of  Louisiana. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  father  returned  to 
Texas  and  settled  at  Galveston,  the  sister  city 
of  his  old  home,  Houston.  He  was  eager  to 
acquire  knowledge  and  as  his  education  had 
been  interrupted  by  the  unsettled  conditions 
and  misfortune  of  war,  he  now  began  a  period 
of  self-education,  studying  the  best  literature 
and  reading  law. 

It  was  not  strange  that  Galveston  with  her 
oleander-bordered  streets  and  "much  sounding 
sea"  should  have  attracted  him  as  a  home  city. 
Galveston  was  the  garden  spot  of  Texas.  For 
thirty  miles  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  washed  the 
island.  The  deep  white  sand  girded  about  by  the 
waves  was  packed  hard  and  firm.  Breezes 
fresh  from  the  Gulf  mingled  with  odors  of 
oleander,  roses,  and  cape  jasmine  from  the  city 
gardens.  The  great  surf  broke  upon  the  beach, 


THE  YOUTH,  1861-1868  9 

fringing  the  shore  with  foam.  The  breakers 
pf  deep  blue,  growing  in  strength  as  they 
neared  the  shore — high,  one  above  the  other, 
the  murmur  increasing  into  a  roar,  lashed  and 
laved  the  glistening  sands  with  that  endless 
and  fascinating  sound  of  the  sea  for  which  an 
exiled  native  ever  yearns. 

To-day  one  must  drive  far  out  from  the  city 
to  see  the  beach  as  father  saw  it  forty  years 
ago,  for  the  wooing  of  Galveston  by  the  sea 
has  been  balked  by  the  great  sea  wall. 

The  city,  terribly  stricken  twelve  years  ago 
by  the  flood,  counted  the  loss  of  thousands  of 
lives  and  untold  damage  to  property.  My 
father's  mother,  a  dear  little  old  lady  of  86  years, 
was  ill  at  the  time,  and  she  with  other  rela 
tives  was  among  the  lost.  The  sea,  "where  the 
Infinite  hath  dwelling,"  is  the  last  resting  place 
of  the  household  of  Nelson  Cuney — wife,  son 
and  mother. 

In  1867,  shortly  after  father  settled  in  Gal 
veston,  a  yellow  fever  epidemic  of  a  most  viru 
lent  form  broke  out  in  the  city  and  the  neigh 
boring  towns.  In  Galveston,  eighteen  hundred 
persons  died.  It  was  difficult  to  find  nurses  to 
care  for  the  sick  because  of  the  fear  of  con 
tagion. 

Father,  always  sensitive  to  suffering  in  others, 
tender-hearted  and  ever  willing  to  sacrifice  him 
self,  volunteered  as  nurse.  For  months  he 


10  NOERIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

nursed  yellow  fever  patients,  both  white  and 
black,  in  Galveston,  Brenham,  Houston,  Nava- 
sota  and  Hempstead.  He  finally  contracted  the 
disease  himself,  but  rapidly  recovered. 

At  this  time  Uncle  Joseph  returned  to  Texas 
and,  with  the  exception  of  the  daughter  Jennie 
who  was  sent  to  Mannheim  in  Baden,  Germany, 
with  Miss  Josephine  B arbour,  the  fiancee  of 
Joseph,  to  attend  Madame  Nichol's  Institute  for 
Young  Ladies,  grandmother  with  the  remainder 
of  the  family  now  made  Galveston  their  home. 


CHAPTER  III. 
ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS,  1869-1872. 

FATHER  was  twenty-one  years  of  age  when 
he  first  heard  of  those  words  which  James  G. 
Elaine  uttered  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives : 
— "There  is  no  protection  you  can  extend  to 
a  man  so  effective  and  conclusive  as  the  power  to 
protect  himself.  And  in  assuring  protection 
to  the  loyal  citizens  you  assure  permanency  to 
the  government.  The  bestowal  of  suffrage  is 
therefore  not  merely  the  discharge  of  a  personal 
obligation  toward  those  who  are  enfranchised; 
but  it  is  the  most  far-sighted  provision  against 
social  disorder,  the  surest  guarantee  of  peace, 
prosperity  and  public  justice."  From  this  time 
on  he  became  one  of  Mr.  Blaine's  warmest  ad 
mirers. 

Texas  having  rejected  the  14th  amendment 
with  other  southern  states,  was  at  this  time 
without  representation  in  Congress,  and  mili 
tary  government  was  established.  Texas  and 
Louisiana,  comprising  the  Fifth  District,  were 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Sheridan. 

In  1860,  when  Texas  was  drawn  into  seces- 
11 


12  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

sion,  out  of  a  total  assessed  property  valuation 
of  $225,000,000,  slaves  comprised  $85,000,000, 
there  being  140,000  held  in  the  State.  Texas 
now  faced  the  problem  of  converting  this  mass 
of  human  property  into  intelligent  American 
citizens.  Many  Texans  refused  to  accept  the 
fact  that  the  Negro  was  "free  and  equal"  and 
stopped  at  nothing  to  prevent  him  from  enjoy 
ing  civic  and  political  rights. 

The  Ku  Klux  Klan  and  the  Democrats  op 
posed  every  policy  of  reconstruction  and  were 
determined  by  force  and  intimidation  to  keep 
the  Negro  from  the  polls.  In  the  State  election 
of  1869,  which  was  the  twelfth  since  Texas 
ceased  to  be  a  Republic,  Edmund  J.  Davis,  Re 
publican,  received  a  plurality  of  809  votes  over 
Andrew  J.  Hamilton.  Mr.  Davis  stood  for 
justice  to  all  men  and  allowed  neither  intimida 
tion  nor  bribery  to  change  his  course.  The 
majority  of  the  whites  meant  at  all  costs  to 
suppress  the  Negro  vote.  Gov.  Davis  was  de 
rided  by  the  opposition,  who  declared  that  he 
was  the  candidate  of  the  military,  carpet-bag 
gers  and  Negroes.  He  enjoyed,  however,  the 
support  of  many  of  the  good  men  of  the  State 
irrespective  of  party  affiliation.  At  the  close 
of  the  year  1870,  Texas  was  restored  to  the 
Union. 

Father,  young,  intensely  patriotic,  eager  for 
service  and  possessing  unlimited  faith  in  the 


ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS,  1869-1872        13 

Negro  race,  entered  into  public  service  during 
this  troublesome  period.  He  was  appointed 
Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the  Twelfth  Texas  Legis 
lature.  While  occupying  this  position,  he  be 
came  warmly  attached  to  the  Republican  Gov 
ernor,  Edmund  J.  Davis,  and  thereafter  fol 
lowed  the  fortunes  of  the  Republican  Party  in 
Texas. 

After  the  declaration  of  freedom  the  first 
thought  for  the  man  of  color  was  not  only  to 
provide  him  with  means  of  livelihood,  but  to 
educate  him  for  intelligent  and  patriotic  citi 
zenship.  The  work  of  the  Freedman's  Bureau 
was  ably  assisted  by  Mission  Schools  founded 
by  Northern  philanthropy.  Church  organiza 
tions — the  Baptist,  the  Methodist  Episcopal  and 
the  Congregational,  rapidly  established  schools 
throughout  the  State.  The  Congregationalists 
from  the  first  set  their  face  against  the  isola 
tion  of  the  colored  race  by  race  distinction  and 
gave  largely  through  the  American  Missionary 
Association.  Both  teachers  and  funds  were  sent 
to  further  education  in  the  State.  "Wiley  Uni 
versity,  one  of  our  first  and  best  educational 
institutions,  was  founded  in  1873  by  the  Freed- 
man's  Aid  and  Southern  Education  Society  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church. 

As  early  as  1845,  ineffectual  effort  had  been 
made  to  establish  free  public  schools  in  Texas. 
In  1866,  renewed  effort  was  made  through 


14  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

regulations  framed  by  the  constitution,  and  in 
1869,  provision  was  made  to  add  to  the  public 
school  fund  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  all 
the  public  lands  of  the  commonwealth — a  pro 
vision  declared  to  be  "entirely  unequalled  in 
magnitude  and  unsurpassed  in  nobility  of  spirit 
in  the  history  of  the  other  States  of  the  Union." 

By  the  constitution  of  1869,  the  legislature 
was  authorized  to  divide  the  State  into  school 
districts,  each  of  which  was  to  be  subject  to 
the  supervision  of  a  board  of  school  directors 
with  full  control  over  all  the  schools,  school- 
houses  and  school  funds  within  their  jurisdic 
tion. 

My  father  became  early  interested  in  educa 
tional  matters  and  believed  that  the  Negro 
should  receive  his  public  education  from  the 
general  school  funds  and  not  from  that  derived 
from  the  Negro  tax-payers  alone.  On  July  17, 
1871,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  School 
Directors  for  Galveston  County,  and  was  untir 
ing  in  his  efforts  to  advance  popular  education 
in  the  State. 

About  this  time,  father  met  and  fell  in  love 
with  Adelina  Dowdie,  and  was  married  on  July 
5,  1871.  Mother  was  the  youngest  of  six  sisters, 
known  as  "the  handsome  Dowdie  girls,"  and  was 
the  daughter  of  a  white  planter  of  Woodville, 
Miss.,  who  had  migrated  to  Texas  in  1864.  Her 
mother  was  a  mulatto  slave.  At  the  time  of  her 


ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS,  1869-1872         15 

marriage  my  mother  was  a  girl  of  only  six 
teen,  and  was  preparing  for  the  profession  of 
teaching.  She  was  small  in  figure,  of  fair  com 
plexion,  with  large  grey  eyes  and  curly  black 
hair.  She  was  of  a  most  unselfish  disposition, 
working  incessantly  for  the  poor,  active  in 
charitable  organizations  and  always  in  the  lead 
in  matters  of  social  uplift.  She  was  religious 
without  being  pious.  Always  bubbling  over 
with  fun,  her  Christianity  was  one  of  sunshine 
and  cheerfulness.  Possessing  a  beautiful, 
dramatic  soprano  voice,  she  sang  publicly 
whenever  her  services  could  benefit  some  good 
cause.  Having  decided  on  public  school  teach 
ing  as  her  life  work,  she  was  naturally  interested 
in  educational  matters  and  was  a  true  help 
meet  to  father  in  his  work  to  better  school  con 
ditions  in  the  State. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EARLY  LEADERSHIP,  1872-1875. 

THE  campaign  of  1872  was  a  most  interesting 
one,  in  that,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
the  Union,  the  freedman  voted  for  presidential 
electors.  The  Republicans  met  in  Philadelphia 
and  nominated  President  Grant  for  a  second 
term.  For  the  first  time,  father  was  elected  a 
delegate  to  a  National  Convention.  Among  the 
new  issues  advanced  by  the  platform,  the  old 
one,  vital  to  the  Negro,  held  its  place,  It  was 
declared  that  "complete  liberty  and  exact 
equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  civil,  political 
and  public  rights  should  be  established  and 
effectually  maintained  throughout  the  Union  by 
appropriate  Federal  and  State  Legislation." 

Father  had  now  been  in  Government  employ 
for  some  months.  February  1,  1872,  he  was 
appointed  Inspector  of  Customs  for  the  District 
of  Texas.  Nathan  Patten,  who  was  appointed 
Collector  of  Customs,  in  the  Fall  of  1869,  was 
a  splendid  man  and  a  good  friend. 

From  now  on,  my  father's  life  was  dedicated 
to  the  upbuilding  of  his  race.     After  studying 
16 


Mrs.  N.  Wright  Cuney 


EAELY  LEADEKSHIP,  1872-1875  17 

the  situation,  he  became  convinced  that  in  the 
ballot  lay  the  Negro's  chance  for  self-protection 
and  he  never  once  ceased  to  fight  for  this  end. 
He  worked  always  for  the  franchise  for  all  men 
worthy  of  the  name  of  citizen.  He  favored  all 
institutions  that  taught  an  appreciation  of  State 
and  civic  duties  and  held  true  manhood  the 
ideal  for  all  races  of  men. 

In  the  early  development  of  the  Negro  in 
the  South,  the  secret  societies  were  among  the 
most  helpful  forces.  The  first  Masonic  Lodge 
was  established  in  Texas  in  1833,  before  the 
days  of  the  Republic.  In  1873,  the  Negro 
Masons  of  Texas  organized  a  Grand  Lodge  with 
four  subordinate  Lodges  located  at  Galveston, 
Houston,  Austin  and  San  Antonio.  The 
Masonic  Order  based  on  principles  of 
"Liberality,  Brotherly  Love  and  Charity"  ap 
pealed  to  father.  He  early  joined  the  organiza 
tion  and  on  June  24,  1874,  he  was  duly  elected 
and  appointed  R.  W.  Deputy  Grand-master  of 
the  M.  W.  K.  S.  G.  Lodge  for  the  State  of 
Kansas  and  jurisdiction  on  the  continent  of 
North  America. 

The  year  1875  marked  the  100th  since 
Masonry  was  revealed  to  the  colored  men  of 
this  country,  and  the  Prince  Hall  Lodge  held 
appropriate  demonstrations  in  Boston,  Mass., 
June  25, 1875.  Father,  as  P.  M.  Mason  and  R.  W. 
Deputy  Grand-master  for  the  State  of  Kansas 


18  NOERIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

and  jurisdiction,  was  commissioned  to  assist  in 
the  proceedings  in  Boston.  There  they  protested 
against  those  who  continued  to  refuse  to 
acknowledge  or  recognize  members  of  the  Negro 
race  as  Masons,  and  met  also  to  "do  all  within 
our  power  to  remove  the  hateful  spirit  of  caste — 
to  the  end  that  equity  of  justice  shall  become 
the  supreme  and  governing  principle  of  the 
American  people — to  make  smooth  the  ways  of 
children  and  by  education  to  lead  them  in  those 
paths  of  knowledge  in  which  shall  be  found  true 
happiness  in  this  world  and  in  that  to  come." 

From  April  28,  1870  to  January  14,  1874, 
Edmund  J.  Davis  was,  by  election,  again  the 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Texas.  There  were 
two  factions  among  the  Republicans;  the 
Unionists,  who  supported  A.  J.  Hamilton,  and 
the  Regulars.  When,  in  1873,  Mr.  Davis  ran 
for  re-election,  he  received  but  little  support 
from  the  Union  Republicans  and  Richard  Coke, 
the  Democratic  candidate,  was  elected.  Mr.  Davis 
had  been  unflinching  in  prosecuting  measures 
necessary  to  protect  the  enfranchised  Negro,  and 
while  greatly  criticised  by  his  opponents  because 
of  his  affiliation  with  the  colored  men  of  the 
State,  the  historians  admit  that  he  was  a  sincere 
public  servant,  of  good  character,  personal 
honesty  and  a  worthy  citizen.  Though  defeated 
in  the  State  election,  the  Davis  faction  con 
tinued  to  control  the  party  machinery  in  Texas. 


EARLY  LEADERSHIP,  1872-1875  19 

In  the  state  convention  the  Republicans  had 
emphasized  the  necessity  of  maintaining  a 
system  of  free  schools  with  improvements  as 
experience  had  shown  to  be  desirable.  Father 
was  appointed,  at  this  time,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Republican  State  Executive  Committee. 

Always  having  the  courage  to  fight  for  what 
he  believed  right,  father  never  submitted 
peacefully  to  an  injustice.  Early  in  January, 
having  an  altercation  with  Deputy  Marshal 
Dewees  over  a  bill  of  costs,  the  daily  press 
severely  criticised  him  for  "insulting  and  as 
saulting  the  United  States  Marshal." 

In  an  open  letter  appearing  in  the  Galveston 
"News,"  January  12,  1875,  father  wrote:— "I 
had  hoped  not  to  have  to  say  anything  in  public 
about  the  unpleasant  matter;  but  things  have 
taken  such  a  course  as  to  make  it  imperative 
that  I  do  so.  I  claim  to  have  some  knowledge 
of  the  civility  that  should  subsist  between  gentle 
men,  and  I  always  endeavor  to  govern  myself 
accordingly.  I  did  not  insult  Mr.  Dewees.  He 
insulted  and  assaulted  me  and  I  exercised  the 
God-given  right  of  self-defense  and  resented  his 
insult.  I  believe  it  is  generally  agreed  among 
lawyers  that  when  a  party  is  presented  with  a 
bill  of  costs  that  he  may  request  the  party  pre 
senting  it,  to  itemize  it,  and  it  is  the  latter's 
duty  to  do  so.  This  is  all  I  did  and  I  did  it  in 
a  respectful  and  gentlemanly  manner. 


20  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

"As  to  the  apology,  I  will  state  that  Mr. 
Dewees  sent  for  me,  asked  me  into  his  private 
office  and  told  me  to  be  seated;  after  which 
he  said  to  me  that  he  had  sent  for  me  to  see 
if  we  could  not  settle  our  difficulty  without 
any  more  fighting.  I  told  him  he  had  been 
doing  the  fighting;  that  I  was  acting  in  self- 
defense.  He  said  he  had  done  me  an  in 
justice  and  felt  that  he  owed  me  an  apology; 
that  he  was  a  man  of  quick  temper  and  had 
acted  indiscreetly.  I  accepted  his  apology  and 
told  him  that  I  myself  had  a  bad  temper,  but 
always  tried  to  subordinate  it  to  what  was  be 
coming  a  gentleman. 

"I  told  him  there  was  no  wounded  honor 
on  my  part,  that  it  was  simply  tit  for  tat 
between  him  and  me;  that  it  was  true  I  got 
little  the  worse  of  it  and  the  only  reason  I 
did  not  hurt  him  was  because  I  could  get  noth 
ing  to  hurt  him  with.  He  smiled  and  said 
yes,  it  was  true  he  had  little  the  best  of  it  be 
cause  he  was  where  he  could  get  material  to 
fight  with.  He  then  presented  me  the  itemized 
bill,  whereupon  I  paid  it.  I  arose  to  go  and 
he  assured  me  that  if  we  ever  had  any  business 
together  in  the  future,  that  I  should  find  him 
a  straightforward  and  upright  man.  There  was 
a  third  party  present  the  time  this  transpired. 
If  I  am  the  aggressor  in  this  matter  and  have 
gone  into  the  United  States  Marshal's  office 


EAELY  LEADEESHIP,  1872-1875  21 

and  assaulted  the  chief  officer  in  charge,  and 
there  were  witnesses  present  as  stated  in  the  said 
article,  why  am  I  not  arrested  and  made  to 
pay  the  penalty  for  violating  the  public  peace? 
No  one  regrets  more  than  I  do  that  this  affair 
occurred,  but  having  occurred,  I  feel  conscious 
that  I  have  acted  honorably  throughout  the 
whole  affair/' 

In  the  State  campaign  of  this  Spring,  father, 
then  a  young  man  of  29  years,  attracted  the 
notice  of  both  parties.  The  white  Radicals  of 
the  Hempstead  Convention,  disgruntled  at  the 
holding  of  a  caucus  by  colored  men,  declared 
"it  would  be  a  good  thing  for  the  Republican 
Party,  if  the  Negroes  would  split  and  half  of 
them  would  join  the  Democratic  Party."  "Never 
again/'  they  added,  "will  we  participate  in  a 
Radical  Convention  where  Negroes  lead.  Think 
of  it — there  is  Cuney,  living  in  the  most  ad 
vanced  and  wealthiest  community  of  the  State 
(Galveston),  published  to  his  fellow-citizens  as 
holding  high  place  in  our  party  organization." 

An  incident  which  took  place  in  Galveston 
that  Fall  proved  how  little  disturbed  were  the 
"wealthiest  and  most  advanced"  citizens  because 
a  man  of  Negro  blood  living  among  them  was 
recognized  in  the  councils  of  the  Republican 
Party.  Galveston  was  a  growing  sea-port  town, 
ambitious  to  develop  a  harbor  second  to  none 
on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Aware  of  the  possi- 


22  NOEEIS  WRIGHT  CUNEY 

bilities  and  interested  in  her  shipping  industry, 
bankers,  importers  and  wholesale  merchants 
agreed  to  meet  at  the  Cotton  Exchange  on  the 
20th  day  of  October,  1875  for  consultation 
"with  a  view  to  devise  and  inaugurate,  in  co 
operation  with  the  municipal  authorities, 
measures  to  secure  dikes  or  levees  around  the 
city."  Father  was  among  those  citizens  re 
quested  to  meet  at  the  Cotton  Exchange. 

Though  a  young  man,  he  was  rapidly  gaining 
the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  thoughtful  men 
of  the  community.  Believing  that  he  would 
make  an  efficient  public  servant,  the  Repub 
licans  nominated  him  for  Mayor  of  Galves- 
ton.  E.  L.  Fulton  was  the  Democratic  candi 
date  and  won  the  election.  In  later  years,  Mr. 
Fulton  stated; — "In  the  city  election  of  1875, 
I  had  the  satisfaction  of  defeating  Mr.  Cuney 
for  the  position  of  Mayor  and  at  the  same  time 
of  learning  of  some  of  his  excellent  qualities  as 
a  public  man.  He  has  exercised  a  remarkable 
influence  on  the  politics  of  this  city,  and  in 
variably  in  the  interest  of  sound  policy  and 
honest  government," 


CHAPTER  Y. 

POLITICAL  CAREER,  1876-1880. 

EARLY  in  the  year  1876,  the  Senatorial  District 
comprising  the  counties  of  Galveston,  Brazoria 
and  Matagorda,  held  a  convention  to  nominate 
members  of  the  Legislature.  For  Senator,  A. 
P.  McCormick  received  a  majority  and  his 
nomination  was  made  unanimous,  while  the 
name  of  N.  W.  Cuney  was  received  with  acclama 
tion  as  the  nominee  for  "Floater,"  as  was  called 
the  Representative  of  that  part  of  the  people 
over  and  above  the  apportionment.  In  the 
election  father  met  with  defeat. 

The  new  Legislature  assembled  on  the  18th 
of  April.  The  conditions  in  the  State  were 
still  unsettled — many  evils  were  complained  of, 
and  in  order  that  they  might  be  more  easily 
corrected,  a  new  constitution  was  drafted. 
Governor  Coke  was  re-elected  and  found  it  neces 
sary  in  some  instances  to  appeal  to  military 
force.  Labor  troubles  broke  out  in  Galveston, 
and  a  strike  owing  to  a  dispute  over  the  question 
of  wages  was  launched.  It  soon  assumed  ugly 
proportions.  One  of  the  leaders  of  the  strike, 
23 


24  NOEEIS  WRIGHT  CUNEY 

Michael  Burns,  presiding  at  a  general  mass 
meeting  called  at  the  Court  House,  declared  that 
if  matters  were  not  settled  satisfactorily  to  the 
strikers,  they  would  destroy  trains  and  locomo 
tives  and  thus  cause  the  company  greater 
loss  than  the  increase  of  wages  asked  for.  My 
father  sprang  to  his  feet  and  answered  the 
speaker.  An  onlooker  wrote:  "At  the  meeting 
last  evening,  Mr.  Wright  Cuney,  a  colored  man 
and  one  of  the  most  intelligent  of  his  race  in 
the  State,  gave  the  men  good  advice.  Mr.  Cuney 
knows  but  too  well  that  the  poor,  deluded  colored 
men  who  are  now  on  a  strike  in  this  city,  are 
but  the  tools  of  some  designing  white  men  who 
have  aspirations — political  and  otherwise,  and 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  tell  them  so.  Mr.  Cuney's 
address  was  eminently  sensible  and  to  the 
point."  It  was  true  that  the  grievances  of  the 
strikers  were  not  important  enough  to  demand 
public  sympathy  or  to  cause  suffering  of  the 
families  depending  upon  them.  The  lawless 
element  made  it  an  excuse  for  street  riots;  acts 
of  violence  were  committed  and  it  became  neces 
sary  for  Mayor  Stone  to  issue  a  proclamation 
threatening  to  call  on  the  militia  to  preserve 
public  order.  Rioting  was  general.  Father 
mingling  with  the  crowds  on  the  street,  was 
called  for  and  stood  amid  hoots  of  the  rabid 
faction,  to  address  the  mob.  He  reminded  the 
crowd  that  the  muttered  threats  of  violence 


POLITICAL  CAEEEE,  1876-1880  25 

which  he  had  heard  were  something  that  he 
deeply  regretted.  He  said  to  the  colored  men 
that  for  the  past  forty-eight  hours  they  had  been 
parading  the  streets  of  the  city,  creating  all 
sorts  of  discord  and  stirring  up  bad  blood, 
which  had  culminated  in  the  shooting  affair  on 
Market  Street.  The  most  respectable  number 
the  strikers  had  ever  been  able  to  muster  did 
not  equal  three  hunded  men,  and  as  there  were 
1500  laborers,  he  asked  what  that  handful  of 
malcontents  hoped  to  accomplish  by  their  tur 
bulent  demonstrations,  except  riot  and  blood 
shed,  and  the  destruction  of  their  own  best  in 
terests.  He  asked  the  strikers  what  they  could 
do  in  the  prosecution  of  their  disorders,  and  told 
them  that  there  were  over  seven  hundred  armed 
men — trained  soldiers  in  the  city,  who  could  an 
nihilate  them  all  in  an  hour;  and  if  they  could 
not,  he  said,  that  in  the  city  of  Houston  there 
were  1,000  men  under  arms  who  could  be 
brought  to  this  city  within  two  hours  to  ac 
complish  that  bloody  work.  He  deprecated  in 
the  severest  terms  the  follies  into  which  the 
colored  men  had  fallen,  and  said  that  they  were 
not  supported  by  the  white  men  nor  by  the  full 
strength  of  their  own  color.  He  said  that  every 
good  citizen  would  be  found  on  the  side  of  the 
law  when  the  strike  was  carried  to  the  extent 
where  collisions  would  result,  and  that  the 
strikers  would  in  the  end  be  the  sufferers  for 


26  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

the  foolishness  of  which  they  had  already  been 
guilty,  in  a  vain  attempt  to  revolutionize  the 
industrial  interests  of  the  city.  He  told  the 
colored  men  to  disperse  and  go  to  their  homes, 
and  on  the  morrow  to  go  out  and  try  to  get  work 
to  do  at  some  price  so  they  might  protect  their 
wives  and  children  from  want. 

In  conclusion,  he  read  Mayor  Stone's  procla 
mation,  and  it  was  reported  that  "he,  in  an 
eloquent  and  forcible  manner  appealed  to  his 
race  to  heed  his  warning  and  go  peacefully 
to  their  homes  and  stay  there.  He  never  for 
a  moment  lost  control  of  his  temper  or  yielded 
the  fact  that  the  law  must  be  maintained."  The 
strike  was  finally  settled  with  satisfaction  to 
the  men  and  their  employers. 

Scarcely  had  the  labor  situation  cleared  before 
there  was  race  discrimination  to  contend  with. — 
Greenwall  as  theatrical  manager  had  refused 
a  colored  woman,  Mary  Miller,  a  desired  seat 
in  the  theatre.  The  colored  citizens  on  March  3 
held  an  indignation  meeting  denouncing  Hon. 
Amos  Merrill,  U.  S.  District  Judge,  in  the  case 
of  Greenwall.  Greenwall  had  been  indicted, 
tried,  convicted,  and  fined  $500  for  violation  of 
the  Civil  Eights  Act.  Having  no  property  sub 
ject  to  execution  and  sale,  he  was  dismissed. 
Judge  Morrill  was  arraigned  by  the  colored 
people  for  not  ordering  Greenwall  to  remain  in 
the  custody  of  the  Sheriff  until  the  fine  was 


POLITICAL  CAREER,  1876-1880  27 

paid.  The  San  Antonio  (Daily)  Express,  inde 
pendent,  in  reporting  the  proceedings,  noted, 
"The  leading  speech  at  the  meeting  was  made 
by  N.  W.  Cuney,  the  most  talented  man  of  the 
colored  race  we  know  in  the  State.  The  only 
fault  of  the  speech  is  its  extreme  rashness  of 
denunciation  of  the  Judge.  We  know  nothing 
of  the  case  nor  have  we  examined  the  law, 
but  after  that  speech,  something  will  have  to 
be  done,  we  imagine." 

Father  had  continued  to  hold  his  position  as 
Inspector  of  Customs,  to  which  he  was 
appointed  in  1872.  In  the  matter  of  patron 
age,  he  criticised  Collector  Shields  as  being 
influenced  by  prejudice.  Friction  between  him 
self  and  the  Collector  resulted  in  his  dismissal. 
He  protested  against  the  action  of  the  Collector 
and  request  was  made  for  the  cause  of  his 
removal  and  demand  made  for  his  re-instate- 
ment.  Mayor  Stone,  with  a  large  number  of 
leading  citizens  formed  a  petition  of  100  names, 
forwarded  the  same  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  in  unstinted  terms  gave  their 
endorsement  to  his  good  character  and  com 
petency. 

The  "Galveston  Daily  News"  editorial  read, 
"The  summary  dismissal  of  Wright  Cuney  from 
his  position  as  Inspector  in  the  Customs  House 
at  this  port,  seems  to  be  in  conflict  with  the 
precedent  established  under  the  civil  service 


28  NORRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

measures  of  the  present  administration  at  Wash 
ington,  in  the  case  of  Marshall  Purnell  who 
was  permitted  to  make  his  defense  on  the  charges 
preferred  against  him,  by  those  who  sought  to 
secure  his  summary  removal  from  office.  Cuney 
is  making  an  effort  to  have  himself  re-established 
in  the  position  from  which  he  was  removed, 
and  he  is  strongly  backed  by  many  of  the  best 
business  men  of  this  city  who  commend  his  capac 
ities  for  the  position  and  vouch  for  his  charac 
ter  as  a  man.  In  the  recent  troubles  which 
have  prevailed  in  this  city,  Cuney  has  shown 
himself  to  be  above  the  average  of  his  race — 
a  friend  of  law  and  public  tranquillity,  and  by 
the  part  he  bore  in  restoring  order  among  the 
turbulent  Negroes  who  had  given  themselves  to 
riotous  measures,  he  made  many  friends  who 
have  availed  themselves  of  this  occasion  to  say 
a  good  word  in  his  behalf." 

The  result  was  that  Collector  Shields  was 
ordered  peremptorily  to  place  him  on  duty. 
Gov.  Coke,  commenting  on  the  case  remarked, 
"Cuney  is  a  spry  sort  of  a  fellow." 

In  June  the  Eepublican  National  Convention 
was  held  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  and  Rutherford 
B.  Hayes  was  nominated  for  President.  Father 
was  sent  as  a  delegate  from  the  Fifth  Con 
gressional  District  of  Texas,  and  thus  had  the 
opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
statesmen  who  later  became  his  good  friends — 


POLITICAL  CAEEER,  1876-1880  29 

Allison,  Elaine,  Harrison,  Hobart,  Fessenden, 
Platt  and  the  younger  man,  James  S.  Clarkson. 

The  Presidential  election  of  1876  was  bitter. 
Following  the  inauguration  of  Pres.  Hayes,  the 
people  of  the  country  were  more  interested  in 
financial  and  industrial  issues  than  they  were 
in  the  welfare  of  the  colored  people  of  the  South. 
Military  rule  had  been  discontinued  but  the 
Southland  was  far  from  being  at  peace. 

In  Mr.  Elaine's  speech  in  the  45th  Congress, 
respecting  the  conduct  of  elections  in  the 
South,  he  declared,  "The  colored  citizen  is  most 
unhappily  situated;  his  right  of  suffrage  is  but 
a  hollow  mockery;  it  holds  to  his  ear  the  word 
of  promise  but  breaks  it  always  to  his  hope, 
and  he  ends  only  in  being  made  the  unwilling 
instrument  of  increasing  the  political  strength 
of  that  party  from  which  he  suffered  ever- 
tightening  fetters  when  he  was  made  free.  He 
resembles  indeed  those  unhappy  captives  in  the 
East  who,  deprived  of  their  birthright,  are 
compelled  to  yield  their  strength  to  the  aggran 
dizement  of  the  monarch  from  whose  tyrannies 
they  have  most  to  fear,  and  to  fight  against  the 
power  from  which  alone  deliverance  might  be  ex 
pected.  The  franchise  intended  for  the  shield 
and  defense  of  the  Negro  has  been  turned 
against  him  and  against  his  friends  and  has 
vastly  increased  the  power  of  those  from  whom 


30  NOKBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

he  has  nothing  to  hope  and  everything  to 
dread." 

The  Federal  Government  had  proved  itself 
powerless  to  conquer  the  unconquered  prejudice 
of  the  South.  The  colored  man  had,  in  many 
cases,  the  suffrage  absolutely  denied  or  he  was 
threatened  by  mobs;  frauds  were  perpetrated— 
innocent  men  were  murdered  for  daring  to  be 
Eepublicans.  In  Texas,  a  colored  voter  having 
declared  his  intention  of  deserting  the  Union 
Labor  Party  and  supporting  the  Republicans, 
was  taken  from  his  home  by  a  masked  band  of 
men  and  shot.  In  New  Orleans  a  Baptist  clergy 
man  was  driven  from  his  home  and  family  by 
an  armed  mob  for  an  offense  no  greater  than 
that  of  helping  to  organize  a  Republican  meet 
ing.  There  now  began  a  large  exodus  of  the 
colored  population  of  the  South.  Conventions 
of  colored  men  were  called  to  consider  the  con 
dition  of  the  race  and  to  discuss  the  emigra 
tion  movement.  There  was  discouragement  and 
discontent  everywhere. 

President  Lincoln  had  been  a  firm  believer  in 
African  colonization.  Indeed,  in  December  of 
1861,  he  had  recommended  a  provision  for  col 
onizing  the  slaves  set  free  by  war,  but  nothing 
came  of  the  suggestion.  Earnest  men  were 
thoughtfully  weighing  the  advantages  and  dis 
advantages  of  colonization. 

Father,  when  asked  if  he  thought  the  colored 


POLITICAL  CAEEEE,  1876-1880  31 

people  of  the  South  would  be  benefited  by  such 
a  movement,  replied :  "No,  I  cannot  see  wherein 
they  would  gain  anything.  They  are  so  thor 
oughly  identified  with  the  perpetuity  of  our 
American  institutions,  that  it  seems  to  me  to 
be  rather  late  for  them  now  to  seek  homes  in 
a  new  country  with  the  customs,  government 
and  people  of  which  they  are  thoroughly  unac 
quainted.  There  is  much  more  glory,  honor  and 
gain  for  the  colored  man  here  in  the  land  of  his 
birth,  and  here  he  should  stay  and  fight  his 
way  to  the  front.  As  a  race,  it  rests  with  him 
to  carve  out  his  own  character,  which  will  de 
mand  the  proper  recognition  here  as  soon  as 
elsewhere." 

When  asked  if  he  thought  the  condition  of 
the  colored  people  in  his  own  section  warranted 
them  in  making  a  change,  he  answered:  "No, 
I  do  not  think  that  the  colored  people  of  this 
section  would  be  justified  in  emigrating  in  a 
body.  Individually,  some  of  them  might  per 
chance,  improve  their  condition  by  going  else 
where,  just  as  other  people  do,  and  this  they 
will  continue  to  do,  just  as  other  people.  Negroes 
are  human  beings  and  should  be  considered 
from  that  standpoint,  if  people  would  under 
stand  them  as  a  race.  In  their  actions  and 
manner  of  life,  they  are  prompted  by  very 
much  the  same  motives  actuating  others  of  the 
human  family." 


32  NORRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

In  the  matter  of  education  the  outlook  was 
growing  brighter  for  the  colored  youth  in  Texas. 
In  readjusting  relations  to  the  new  conditions 
succeeding  the  days  of  Reconstruction,  a  more 
liberal  provision  was  made  for  the  support  of 
the  public  schools.  In  1878,  by  an  act  of  the 
State  Legislature,  the  Prairie  View  State  Nor 
mal  and  Industrial  Institute  for  colored  youth 
was  founded.  The  location  was  that  of  the 
old  plantation  of  Col.  Kirby,  which  was  on  a 
beautiful  prairie  near  Hempstead,  not  many 
miles  from  the  birthplace  of  my  father,  in 
Waller  County.  What  was  once  the  dwelling 
house  of  the  master  of  the  plantation  is  now 
the  Chemical  Laboratory  and  Lecture  Eoom. 
Here  since  1885,  1030  students  have  received 
their  training  for  teachers.  The  growth  of  the 
school  has  been  very  rapid.  Prof.  E.  L.  Black- 
shear,  who  has  held  the  position  for  fourteen 
years,  is  the  Superintendent.  Mr.  Wade  C. 
Rollins  is  the  efficient  Secretary  and  Treasurer. 
Mr.  Rollins  states: 

"Your  father  was  interested  in  this  school 
and  was  instrumental  in  many  ways  in  having 
a  large  number  of  young  colored  men  attend 
it,  among  them  myself.  He  secured  for  me  a 
scholarship  here  for  three  successive  years,  and 
whatever  of  success  I  may  have  attained  to  this 
point,  is  in  large  measure  due  to  his  kindness 
and  foresight."  The  Institution  is  supported 


POLITICAL  CAEEEE,  1876-1880  33 

by  annual  appropriations  made  by  the  Common 
wealth  and  by  income  from  tuition  fees. 

At  this  time,  in  the  public  schools  of  Galveston, 
the  trustees  were  willing  to  employ  white  teach 
ers  for  public  schools  should  not  enough  colored 
teachers  be  obtained.  An  advertisement  appear 
ing  for  applicants  for  positions  in  the  free 
schools  Dec.  17,  1881,  read  "white  and  colored 
applicants  will  be  examined  in  different  rooms/' 

The  first  innovation  was  in  the  fall  when 
they  held  the  examinations  at  different  times  and 
places — a  step  backward  from  former  procedure. 
Father  joined  other  colored  citizens  in  protest 
ing  against  so  unnecessary  an  arrangement.  The 
authorities  were  disposed  to  treat  the  colored 
teachers  and  pupils  fairly,  but  segregation  con 
tinues  to  be  practised  in  the  public  schools. 

As  one  of  the  School  Directors,  father  was 
interested  in  having  school  sessions  lengthened. 
By  reforms  in  the  school  law,  under  the  admin 
istration  of  Gov.  Roberts  a  larger  number  of 
children  were  taught  and  for  a  longer  school 
term  than  ever  before.  Gov.  Roberts  had  been 
re-elected  in  1880,  with  Joseph  D.  Sayers  as 
Lieutenant-Governor.  Mr.  Sayers,  though  a 
Democrat,  proved  to  be  a  man  of  broad  sym 
pathies  and  a  true,  good  friend  to  the  colored 
people. 

In  June,  1880,  father  was  sent  as  a  delegate 
to  the  Republican  National  Convention  which 


34  NOKEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

met  in  Chicago.  The  Convention  was  memorable 
in  political  annals  for  its  large  number  of  able 
men  and  brilliant  display  of  oratory.  Benjamin 
Harrison  of  Indiana,  C.  A.  Boutelle  of  Maine, 
George  F.  Hoar  and  H.  C.  Lodge  of  Massachu 
setts,  Matthew  Quay  of  Pennsylvania,  James 
S.  Clarkson  of  Iowa  and  the  colored  Senator 
from  Mississippi,  Blanche  K.  Bruce,  were  some 
of  the  eminent  public  men  in  attendance.  There 
had  been  an  inclination  for  the  renomination 
of  Gen.  Grant,  but  there  was  also  warm  enthu 
siasm  for  Blaine.  As  the  36th  ballot  opened, 
delegations  which  had  been  voting  for  Blaine 
and  Sherman  changed  to  Garfield,  who  repre 
sented  a  liberal  and  progressive  Republicanism. 
Father  voted  35  times  for  James  G.  Blaine. 
James  A.  Garfield  and  Chester  A.  Arthur  re 
ceived  the  nominations. 

The  Collector  of  Customs  for  the  port  of  Gal- 
veston  was  now  Col.  A.  G.  Malloy.  On  June  1, 
1881,  father  received  his  appointment  as  Chief 
Inspector  of  Customs.  Desiring  to  enter  more 
fully  into  the  service  of  the  people,  he  became 
a  candidate  for  Alderman  in  the  city  campaign 
in  March  and  was  elected  Alderman  of  the  12th 
ward — a  ward  composed  of  1801  persons — 1120 
white  and  681  colored.  On  the  18th  of  the  month 
he  was  removed  from  his  position  as  Chief 
Inspector  of  Customs,  on  account  of  being  elected 


POLITICAL  CAEEEE,  1876-1880  35 

and  qualifying  as  an  Alderman.     The  matter 
occasioned  much  comment. 

The  facts  were  as  follows: 

Previous  to  the  election,  Congressman  Thomas 
Ochiltree  had  written,  stating  positively  upon 
the  authority  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  J.  C.  New,  that  acceptance  of  the 
position  of  Alderman  would  in  no  possible  man 
ner  affect  his  government  position.  After  receiv 
ing  the  information,  father  thought  no  more  of 
the  matter  until,  on  boarding  the  steamship 
"Whitney"  to  discharge  his  duties  as  Inspector, 
Mr.  Baxter,  a  Custom  House  employe,  told  him 
that  he  had  been  removed  from  his  position 
and  that  his  services  would  not  be  needed.  He 
went  at  once  to  General  Malloy,  the  Collector, 
who  denied  having  issued  the  order.  Later  on 
he  threw  the  responsibility  on  the  Deputy-Col 
lector.  Father,  speaking  in  very  plain  language, 
charged  him  with  a  lack  of  official  courtesy  and 
a  desire  to  insult  him  by  the  manner  in  which 
he  had  acted. 

A  few  days  later  a  telegram  came  from  Acting 
Secretary  French  of  the  Treasury  Department, 
stating  that  in  accordance  with  the  Executive 
order  of  Ex-President  Grant  issued  in  Jan. 
1873,  Mr.  Cuney  had  vacated  his  official  position 
as  Inspector.  Father  was  not  satisfied  with 
the  ruling  and  submitted  the  matter  to  Presi 
dent  Arthur,  who  finally  disposed  of  it  by 


36  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

declaring  Grant's  order  to  be  still  in  force  and 
that  the  two  offices  could  not  be  held  at  the 
same  time ;  but  he  was  given  the  right  of  choos 
ing  which  one  of  the  offices  he  would  resign. 
There  was  without  doubt,  duplicity  on  the  part 
of  the  Custom  House  officials. 

Whatever  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  case, 
he  was  asked  to  choose  between  the  two  positions. 
Having  decided  to  be  independent  of  Govern 
ment  office,  father  stated  he  would  prefer  going 
into  business  which  would  not  interfere  with 
his  holding  the  position  of  Alderman,  for  he  had 
contested  for  the  latter  office  with  the  belief 
that  he  could  fill  the  position  honorably  and  be 
of  service  to  his  constituents.  Thus  he  left  the 
Customs  Service  which  he  was  to  re-enter  eight 
years  later,  as  the  chief  official  at  Galveston. 

Among  the  comments  on  his  resignation  was 
the  following:  "It  is  but  fair  to  add  that 
Mr.  Cuney  is  a  colored  man  of  unusual  mental 
culture  and  enjoys  the  esteem  and  confidence 
of  all  who  know  him.  He  is  a  Republican  from 
principle  and  not  even  the  most  extreme  oppo 
nent  of  civil  rights  has  ever  attributed  to  him 
any  but  the  purest  and  most  honorable  actions 
in  politics  and  private  life." 

Father  soon  had  occasion  to  visit  Austin. 
Upon  his  return  he  was  interrogated  as  to  his 
interest  in  having  the  Legislature  establish  a 
school  for  deaf,  dumb,  and  blind  colored  youth. 


POLITICAL  CAREER,  1876-1880  37 

He  replied:  "It  is  all  a  mistake.  I  went  to 
Austin  solely  on  private  business.  I  discussed 
the  school  matter  with  a  few  legislators  while 
there,  it  is  true,  but  I  even  refused  to  sign  a 
petition  to  establish  such  an  Asylum.  Had 
the  memorial  been  drawn  to  read  that  the  State 
should  make  provision  for  all  her  unfortunates, 
I  certainly  should  have  endorsed  it,  but  I  do 
not  seek  special  legislation  for  the  Negro.  Under 
the  constitution  of  our  common  country  he  is 
taxed  the  same  as  other  men  and  the  unfortunate 
of  the  race  are  entitled  to  the  same  consideration. 
At  present  the  only  two  public  institutions  open 
to  him  are  the  penitentiary  and  the  lunatic  asy 
lum.  The  asylums  for  the  blind,  deaf  and  dumb, 
the  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College  and  the 
State  University  are  all  closed  to  him.  It  is 
a  sad  travesty  upon  humanity  and  justice  that 
the  State  of  Texas  accepted  gifts  of  public 
lands  for  the  endowment  of  an  Agricultural  and 
Mechanical  College  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
people,  and  bars  a  large  proportion  of  her  pop 
ulation  because  they  were  born  black;  that  the 
tax-collectors  make  no  discriminations,  yet  when 
a  man  is  born  deaf  and  dumb  or  a  man  is 
stricken  with  blindness,  a  black  skin  is  an 
insurmountable  barrier  to  that  care  and  atten 
tion  which  should  be  accorded  by  right."  Ques 
tioned  as  to  Social  Equality,  he  replied,  "No, 
I  do  not  ask  for  social  equality  for  my  race. 


38  NOREIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

That  is  a  matter  no  law  can  touch.  Men  asso 
ciate  with  men  they  find  congenial,  but  in  mat 
ters  of  education  and  State  charity  there  cer 
tainly  should  be  no  distinction.  There  is  a 
clause  in  our  State  constitution  separating  the 
schools.  This  brands  the  colored  race  as  an 
inferior  one.  1  think  it  would  be  better  to  leave 
such  matters  to  the  local  school  trustees." 

The  approach  of  the  State  elections  of  1882 
caused  less  excitement  than  usual;  it  was  an  off 
year  politically,  no  national  interests  being  at 
stake.  "When,  in  July,  the  Republican  County 
Convention  assembled,  father,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  Executive  Committee,  and  his  political 
rival.  Colonel  A.  G.  Malloy,  were  selected  among 
others  as  delegates  to  the  State  Convention 
which  was  to  meet  at  Austin.  At  the  Conven 
tion,  father  was  elected  temporary  chairman. 
The  Convention  decided  to  support  at  the 
approaching  election  of  the  State  officers,  "can 
didates  who  come  before  the  people  for  suffrage 
as  independents."  A  committee  of  which  father 
was  chairman,  was  named  "to  confer  with  other 
anti-Bourbon  organizations  and  elements  of  op 
position  and  reach  a  conclusion  as  to  whom 
among  Independent  candidates  the  Republicans 
should  support."  Father  entered  the  campaign 
in  October  as  a  candidate  for  the  legislature, 
for  the  66th  District,  composed  of  the  counties 


POLITICAL  CAREER,  1876-1880  39 

of  Galveston,  Brazoria,  Matagorda  and  Whar- 
ton,  with  the  following  platform: 

''Education.  Our  school  term  is  too  short.  I 
am  an  advocate  for  the  extension  of  our  School 
term  to  nine  months  during  the  year.  Our 
scholastic  age  must  be  changed.  I  favor  the 
extenson  of  our  scholastic  age  from  7  to  18  years. 
In  order  to  do  this  I  am  in  favor  of  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution,  levying  specific  tax 
for  the  support  of  public  education.  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  sale  of  the  Public  School  Lands  to 
actual  settlers  only. 

"Jury  Laivs.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  revision  of  the 
Jury  Laws,  to  the  end  that  jurors  must  be 
drawn  from  the  body  of  the  people. 

"Public  Roads.  I  am  in  favor  of  the  repeal 
of  the  present  Road  Law,  and  the  enactment  of 
another  by  which  the  short  term  convict  labor 
of  the  State  may  be  used  for  such  purposes, 
and  the  confinement  to  labor  within  the  walls 
of  the  penitentiary  of  all  others,  in  order  that 
they  may  not  be  brought  in  competition  with 
the  industry  of  the  people. 

"Houses  of  Refuge.  I  am  in  favor  of  the 
erection  by  the  State  of  suitable  houses  of 
Refuge  for  juvenile  offenders,  in  order  that  they 
may  not  as  now,  be  consigned  to  the  penitentiary 
and  compelled  to  associate  with  hardened 
criminals. 

"I  shall  visit  all  the  counties  of  the  District, 


40  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

and  will  be  pleased  to  divide  time  with  my  op 
ponents  in  discussing  before  the  people  these 
issues." 

One  comment  read: — "The  candidate,  N.  W. 
Cuney,  is  a  man  of  excellent  character  and  com 
petent  ability,  large  political  experience  and 
varied  and  careful  observation.  Few  men  have 
deeper  convictions  and  still  fewer  have  his 
capacity  for  their  forcible  expression  either  in 
public  or  private  life.  His  long  experience  in 
the  customs  has  given  him  ample  knowledge  of 
commerce  and  general  business,  while  his  knowl 
edge  of  men  is  exceptionally  great."  The 
Democratic  press  noted  that  "N.  W.  Cuney,  the 
Independent  candidate  for  the  Legislature  from 
the  66th  District,  is  a  colored  man,  but  we  must 
confess  that  his  platform  is  a  much  better  one 
than  those  put  forward  by  white  candidates. 
One  may  not  like  Cuney,  but  one  has  to  acknowl 
edge  that  his  platform  is  excellent." 

In  the  election  father  met  with  defeat.  The 
movement  for  a  change  of  the  law  relating  to 
convict  labor  was  one  in  which  father  was  very 
much  in  earnest.  At  his  suggestion,  meetings 
were  called  and  resolutions  adopted  condemning 
the  practice  of  hiring  out  convicts  as  farm 
laborers  for  small  pay,  thus  prolonging  unnec 
essarily  their  term  of  punishment,  no  heed  being 
taken  by  the  authorities  of  the  wrongs  inflicted 
upon  the  law-breakers  while  working  out  a 


POLITICAL  CAEEEE,   1876-1880  41 

pecuniary  fine  on  the  farm.  He  declared  that 
the  convict  law  of  the  State  in  its  practical 
working  was  a  direct  violation  of  the  consti 
tution  of  the  United  States.  It  was  decided 
to  present  a  petition  to  the  Legislature  praying 
for  a  repeal  of  the  law,  and  father  was  among 
the  citizens  appointed  to  memorialize  the 
Legislature  on  the  subject. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
IN  BUSINESS. 

DESIROUS  of  becoming  independent  of  public 
office,  father,  early  in  the  year  of  1883,  entered 
the  business  of  stevedoring,  employing  about 
500  colored  men  to  load  and  unload  vessels 
passing  through  the  port  of  Galveston.  Hereto 
fore  only  white  longshoremen  had  been  employed 
on  the  wharves,  and  they  had  a  monopoly  of  the 
steamship  work.  There  was  strong  prejudice 
against  Negro  labor  on  the  wharves  and  father, 
seeing  the  injustice  of  the  situation,  in  spite  of 
the  strongest  opposition  and  under  most  trying 
circumstances  organized  the  men  into  an  as 
sociation  of  longshoremen.  He  purchased  $2500 
worth  of  tools  and  secured  work  on  the  Morgan 
wharf,  paying  the  longshoremen  $4  to  $6  per 
day.  It  was  not  unexpected  that  any  movement 
by  which  Negro  labor  would  divide  so  lucrative 
an  employment  with  the  whites,  should  meet 
with  fierce  opposition.  But  in  spite  of  the 
hostility  toward  his  undertaking,  father 
triumphed.  He  had  secured  laborers  not  only 
42 


IN  BUSINESS  43 

in  Galveston,  but  from  New  Orleans.     The  men 
were  all  skilled  workmen. 

Upon  the  question  as  to  the  difference  in 
thoroughness  between  the  white  and  colored 
labor,  the  following  is  one  of  many  letters  re 
ceived  by  father  from  the  shipmasters  with 
whom  he  fulfilled  contracts. 

Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  your  question  as  to 
whether  I  am  satisfied  with  the  work  you  have 
on  board  my  vessel,  the  Jane,  I  take  pleasure 
in  stating  that  my  vessel  has  on  board  about 
35,000  pounds  more  cotton  than  she  took  from 
New  Orleans,  and  75,000  pounds  more  than  from 
Charleston,  and  I  have  these  reasons  for  believ 
ing  your  work  has  been  properly  done.  I 
shall,  therefore,  take  pleasure  in  recommend 
ing  you  to  any  friends  who  may  come  here,  be 
lieving  as  I  do  that  you  will  conscientiously 
perform  all  you  undertake  to  do,  and  that  you 
will  fully  satisfy  those  who  give  you  their  con 
fidence.  I  trust  you  will  meet  with  the  same 
success  which  has  so  far  marked  your  path,  and 
that  my  brother  shipmasters  will  give  you  a  full 
share  of  their  patronage,  seeing  that  in  your 
undertaking  you  break  down  the  very  serious 
labor  monopoly  which  has  hitherto  existed  in 
this  port  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  shipping 
interests  and  indirectly  the  port  itself. 
Yours  truly, 

THOMAS  ENGLAND. 


44  NOBKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

After  working  for  some  time  on  the  Morgan 
wharves,  father  attempted  to  secure  contracts 
on  the  New  York  dock.  This  work  was  done 
altogether  by  whites.  Not  long  after  father's 
attempt,  the  white  longshoremen  launched  a 
strike  against  the  Mallory  Steamship  Company. 
Captain  Sawyer  of  the  Mallory  Line  called 
father  in  consultation  with  a  view  to  engaging 
colored  labor.  Father  promised  to  furnish  the 
workmen,  but  stipulated  that  before  doing  so, 
he  must  have  a  guarantee  that  his  men  would 
not  be  "the  catspaws  to  pull  the  chestnuts  out 
of  the  fire."  The  condition  was  that  the  colored 
men  would  go  to  work,  but  must  be  retained  on 
good  behavior,  and  that  in  the  future  they  were 
to  have  an  equal  showing  with  the  white  laborers. 
This  promise  was  given  and  a  rate  of  wages 
equal  to  that  enforced  on  the  Morgan  wharf 
agreed  upon. 

The  following  morning,  9.30  o'clock,  110  of  the 
colored  cotton  screwmen  went  to  work  discharg 
ing  the  steamship  State  of  Texas,  protected  by 
a  squad  of  police  under  Sergeant  Connolly.  The 
strikers  were  present,  but  they  made  no  move 
to  molest  the  men.  Of  course,  the  feeling  was 
bitter  against  my  father — the  fiercest  invectives 
were  hurled  against  him  and  his  life  threatened. 
Always  calm  and  cool  in  the  face  of  danger,  he 
continued  with  his  brave  workmen,  his  business 
on  the  steamship.  Before  the  week  ended, 


IN  BUSINESS  45 

father  came  home  one  afternoon  and,  after 
greeting  mother  who  was  anxious  and  troubled, 
told  her  to  take  us  (my  baby  brother  Lloyd 
and  myself)  over  to  our  Uncle  Joseph  Cuney's 
house  and  stay  that  night,  for  it  was  rumored 
in  the  town  that  a  mob  meant  to  visit  our  home 
and  have  his  life.  My  mother  flatly  refused  to 
leave  the  house.  Putting  my  brother  and  me 
to  bed,  she  took  her  vigil  at  a  back  window. 
Friends,  a  dozen  or  more,  well  armed  gathered 
quietly  at  dark  in  the  living  room  and  dining- 
room,  prepared  to  stay  with  father  throughout 
the  night  and  give  him  their  protection. 

In  front  of  the  house  and  across  the  street, 
hidden  among  the  salt-cedars  on  the  side-walks, 
were  longshoremen — determined  men,  prepared 
to  fight  to  the  last,  should  the  mob  appear  to 
lynch  the  man  who  was  their  leader  and  friend. 
Father  begged  mother  to  retire  for  rest  but  she 
was  fearful  that  the  mob  might  come  from  the 
back,  through  the  alley-way  and  creep  upon  the 
men  unawares,  so  all  night  long  she  sat  at  one 
of  the  windows  at  the  back  of  the  house,  watch 
ing  and  fearing. 

It  was  not  until  dayBreak  that  it  was  learned 
that  a  number  of  the  men  had  stationed  them 
selves  at  both  entrances  to  the  back-way — they 
had  taken  every  precaution  not  to  be  surprised 
by  the  mob — that  no  harm  should  come  to  the 
man  who  bravely  faced  all  oposition  for  them. 


46  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Father's  keen  sense  of  right,  his  loyalty  to  the 
best  interests  of  his  race,  the  utter  fearlessness 
which  marked  his  conduct  in  this  bitter  contest 
was  not  unappreciated  by  the  equally  fearless 
men  who  followed  him.  In  order  to  be  prepared 
to  meet  any  officers  of  the  law  who  might  come 
upon  them  and  try  to  disperse  them,  the  men 
had  brought  with  them  their  guitars  and  other 
stringed  instruments,  that  they  might  claim  a 
"serenade"  as  an  excuse  for  their  loitering  in 
such  numbers  before  our  home. 

The  feeling  was  so  intense  that  a  number  of 
white  citizens  of  importance,  who  had  been 
fairly  disposed  toward  the  colored  workmen,  had 
also  been  threatened.  They  were  of  that  group 
of  splendid  men  of  whom  Galveston  has  always 
boasted.  Their  sympathy  aroused  such  an 
tagonism  that  they  were  compelled  to  have 
watchmen  and  officers  protect  their  homes.  But 
the  anxious  night  passed  safely.  My  baby 
brother  and  I  could  not  understand  our  danger ; 
for  mother,  the  night  had  been  a  hard  and  try 
ing  one.  But  it  had  been  made  bearable  by  the 
unpurchased  watchfulness  of  that  group  of  de 
voted  men  who  stood  by  father  in  this  grave 
crisis.  For  a  number  of  days  there  were  demon 
strations  of  mob  spirit,  but  it  can  be  said  to  the 
credit  of  Galveston  that  law  prevailed.  The 
strikers  finally  listened  to  reason,  and  the  follow 
ing  report  was  published, — "Articles  of  capitu- 


Lloyd  Garrison  Cimey 


IN  BUSINESS  47 

lation  have  been  drawn  up  between  the  white 
strikers  and  the  colored  laborers  who  have  been 
employed  by  the  Mallory  line  to  work  in  their 
places  on  the  New  York  dock.  The  proposition 
from  the  committee  representing  the  white 
laborers,  is  that  there  shall  be  a  division  of  the 
work,  with  white  and  colored  laborers  working 
week  in  and  week  ont  upon  the  basis  of  two 
steamers  to  the  week.  The  committee  represent 
ing  the  colored  screwmen  have  met  this  proposi 
tion  with  a  response  that  they  believe  in  an  equal 
division  of  labor  among  all  classes,  and  that  no 
one  class  of  labor  should  be  employed  to  the  ex 
clusion  or  detriment  of  another.  While  they  en 
tertain  these  views,  they  do  not  consider  that  it 
is  within  their  province  or  within  the  province  of 
any  labor  element  to  dictate  to  Captain  Sawyer, 
agent  of  the  Mallory  line,  whom  he  shall  employ, 
or  map  out  for  him  any  division  of  labor.  They 
refer  the  whole  matter  to  Captain  Sawyer,  and 
agree  to  abide  by  his  decision.  The  report 
of  the  colored  men  shows  upon  its  face  the  result 
of  wise  counsel.  This  report  was  submitted  back 
to  the  white  laborers  yesterday,  and  will  go  to 
Captain  Sawyer  to-day."  The  result  was  that 
father's  first  agreement  with  the  Mallory  line 
was  adhered  to,  and  until  to-day  colored  labor 
is  employed  on  the  Mallory  wharves  at  Galves- 
ton. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FORGING  TO  THE  FRONT,  1883-1884. 

AT  the  close  of  the  year  1883,  civic  affairs  in 
Galveston  became  badly  managed  by  the  domi 
nation  of  rings.  The  better  element  of  the  city 
rebelled  and  decided  to  put  forward  a  ticket 
presenting  conscientious  public  men  whose  ex 
ertions  they  knew  would  be  in  the  interest  of 
good  government.  Father  was  persuaded  to 
accept  once  more  the  nomination  for  alderman 
from  the  12th  ward  for  the  years  1884  and  1885. 
Immediately  opposition  faced  him,  based  on  his 
conduct  in  the  late  strike.  Flaming  circulars 
and  articles  addressed  "To  the  People"  were 
printed.  All  bore  an  appeal  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  narrow-minded  and  ignorant  voter. 
One  article  read — 

"A  very  serious  question  is  now  before  you — 
one  involving  the  support  of  many  white  men 
and  white  families.  R.  L.  Fulton,  a  candidate 
for  Mayor,  was  a  warm  supporter  of  N.  W. 
Cuney  in  a  late  contest.  Not  only  Fulton  but 
many  of  the  present  Board  of  Aldermen,  were 
backers  of  N.  W.  Cuney  in  his  attempt  to  re- 
48 


FORGING  TO  THE  FRONT,  1883-1884          49 

duce  the  price  of  the  labor  of  cotton  screw- 
men  and  longshoremen  by  importing  from  New 
Orleans,  Negroes  to  be  used  as  screwmen  and 
longshoremen.  Mr.  Cuney  did  not  enter  the  busi 
ness  with  a  view  of  gaining  a  livelihood;  the 
first  vessel  he  got  he  cut  down  the  price  per 
bale,  thus  showing  that  he  was  in  favor  of  low 
ering  wages.  The  wiiite  screwmen  went  on 
a  strike.  Did  these  people,  or  Capt.  Fulton 
either,  offer  them  any  assistance  or  protection  ? 
No !  On  the  contrary  they  aided  and  sustained 
Cuney,  thus  depriving  white  men  of  bread 
and  meat.  Have  you  forgotten  this? 

"Only  a  few  days  ago  these  same  people 
aided  in  putting  Mr.  Cuney  as  a  ruler  over  you. 
For  the  past  two  years,  while  R.  L.  Fulton 
has  been  acting  Mayor,  Cuney  has  been  Mayor. 
Fulton  never  took  a  step  without  consulting 
Cuney,  and  if  you  elect  Fulton  and  Cuney, 
Cuney  will  again  be  Mayor.  It  will  not  end 
here.  Cuney  is  now  in  closer  contact  with 
his  former  friends,  and  in  a  position  to  make 
terms  with  them,  and  next  Fall  you  will  have 
five  hundred  Negroes  screwing  cotton,  and  your 
occupation  will  be  gone.  If  you  wish  to  have 
the  heel  of  capital  and  the  Negro  upon  your 
necks,  vote  for  Fulton  and  elect  him." 

Thus  ran  the  tirades,  but,  after  a  spirited 
contest,  father  was  elected.  The  newly  elected 
members  of  the  City  government  succeeded  in 


50  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

breaking  the  "ring"  and  the  commercial  and 
political  interests  were  protected. 

On  the  20th  day  of  March,  a  special  meeting 
of  the  City  Council  was  called  "to  define  the 
functions  of  committees."    This  was  occasioned 
by  a  disagreement  between  the  members  of  the 
Committee  on  Hospital  and  Health.    D.  Fahey, 
A.  J.  Musgrove  and  my  father  constituted  this 
Committee.     The  press  had  already  learned  of 
their  difference  and  articles  had  appeared  under 
the  caption  "Aldermanic  wrangle."     Mr.  Mus 
grove,  chairman  of  the  Committee,  reported  to 
the  Galveston  "Daily  News"  that  the  difficulty 
had   arisen  over  the   selection   of  an   overseer 
of  drays  for  the  department  of  hospitals  and 
health.     He  stated  that  the  morning  after  the 
Mayor  had   announced  his   Committees  to  the 
Council,  he  met  Mr.  Fahey  on  Mechanic  Street, 
and   that   the   latter   said  to   him— "You    and 
I  are  together  on  this  committee ;  now  let's  ig 
nore  this  'nigger'  and  run  it  ourselves,"  and 
that  he  replied,  "All  right."     They  then  dis 
cussed  the  naming  of  an  overseer.    This  "under 
standing"  between  Mr.  Musgrove  and  Mr.  Fahey 
led  to  a  misunderstanding  with  my  father,  and 
the  Mayor  called  a  special  meeting  to   settle 
the  difficulty. 

Two  days  later,  on  March  22d,  father  ex 
plained  his  attitude  in  an  open  letter  to  the 
Galveston  "News:"  "That  the  people  may  be 


FOEGING  TO  TEE  FRONT,  1883-1884          51 

thoroughly  informed  of  the  question  involved 
in  'an  aldermanic  wrangle/  he  said,  "I  ask 
the  use  of  your  columns  to  give  them  the  true 
status  of  that  part  of  our  municipal  affairs 
out  of  which  the  wrangle  grew — caused  in  my 
opinion,  by  a  careless  disregard  and  want  of 
appreciation  of  political  duties  on  the  part  of 
the  great  mass  of  that  element  of  our  citizen 
ship  which  neither  seeks  nor  wants  office,  but 
which  has  a  vital  interest  in  a  proper  and 
economic  administration  of  the  city  govern 
ment.  It  does  not  become  intelligent  citizens 
to  growl  about  bad  government,  when  they  show 
such  a  total  want  of  patriotic  appreciation  of 
republican  institutions,  as  to  give  themselves 
no  concern  about  seeing  to  it  that  they  have 
good  government.  If  our  government  is  bad, 
which  I  believe  goes  without  saying,  then  I 
ask  who  is  responsible,  the  men  who  admin 
istered  it,  or  the  men  who  allowed  bad  men  to 
run  it?  This  people  can  not  have  good  govern 
ment  unless  they  deserve  it,  and  they  do  not 
deserve  it  unless  they  make  an  honest  effort 
by  a  faithful  discharge  of  their  public  duties, 
to  have  it.  If  the  city  of  Galveston  were  a 
private  corporation  and  its  citizens  all  stock 
holders,  having  their  money  invested,  they 
would  all  be  looking  out  for  dividends  and 
they  would  see  to  it  that  the  directors  whom 


52  NORBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

they  elected  were  men  who  would  so  conduct 
its  business  as  to  bring  forth  the  dividend. 

"The  municipality  of  Galveston  is  a  political 
corporation  and  every  citizen  is  a  stock-holder 
to  the  extent  of  his  vote  and  the  dividend  this 
people  ought  to  demand  from  those  who  are  en 
trusted  with  the  conduct  of  their  business,  is  an 
honest  and  economical  administration  of  govern 
ment,  courage  in  the  assessment  and  collection  of 
the  revenues,  and  an  honest  and  faithful  ex 
penditure,  with  a  view  to  giving  as  many  public 
improvements  as  possible  after  paying  the 
necessary  running  expenses — a  divorcement  of 
the  executive  from  the  legislative  branch,  that 
each  branch  may  more  properly  discharge  its 
duties,  thereby  enabling  the  people  to  locate 
official  responsibility. 

"The  real  issue  involved  in  this  wrangle  is 
whether  the  chairman  of  a  committee  of  the 
city  council  shall  be  allowed  to  use  his  will  and 
pleasure  in  contracting  obligations,  and  gen 
erally  to  run  the  committee  and  the  business 
in  its  hands  to  suit  his  gracious  will  and 
pleasure,  or  whether  the  majority  of  the  com 
mittee  shall  direct  how  that  portion  of  the 
public  business  referred  to  them  shall  be  con 
ducted.  The  position  assumed  by  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  hospitals  and  health  is  so 
absurd  that  no  man  who  possesses  any  knowl- 


FOEGING  TO  THE  FKONT,  1883-1884          53 

edge  of  republican  institutions  or  parliamentary 
propriety  would  attempt  to  discuss  it. 

"The  theory  and  practice  of  our  government 
is  that  the  majority  and  not  the  minority  shall 
rule.  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  there 
is  nothing  in  the  charter-  nor  in  the  ordinances 
giving  committees  power  to  employ  men  on 
what  is  generally  known  as  corporation  work. 
The  engineer  is  the  proper  official  to  employ 
and  discharge  men  in  this  department  of  the 
city  government.  With  a  view  to  having  the 
duties  and  powers  of  the  various  committees 
defined,  I,  at  the  regular  meeting  of  the  city 
council  held  Oct.  15th,  1883,  introduced  and 
had  referred  to  the  committee  on  ordinances 
a  resolution  instructing  that  committee  to  re 
port  an  ordinance  defining  the  duties  and  pow 
ers  of  all  committees.  I  hope  this  wrangle 
will  be  the  means  of  straightening  things  out. 

"When  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
hospital  and  health  assumed  the  right  to  run 
the  committee,  the  thought  suggested  itself  to 
me,  'What  are  we  here  for?'  I  have  no  de 
sire  to  wrangle,  but  my  duty  as  an  official 
trustee  of  the  interest  of  this  people  is  plain 
to  me,  and  if  an  honest  ambition  to  discharge 
my  duty  produces  wrangling,  then  let  those 
who  attempt  to  exercise  unlawful  authority 
take  the  responsibility." 

The  year  of  1884  was  essentially  one  of  poli- 


54  NOKEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

tics.  In  the  State  campaign  of  this  year,  the 
Republicans  desired  to  support  Hon.  George 
W.  Jones  for  governor.  There  was  some  op 
position  to  Mr.  Jones,  many  being  in  favor  of 
a  straight  ticket,  but  the  real  leaders  of  the 
party  were  in  favor  of  him  because  it  was 
believed  that  with  him  at  the  head  of  the  ticket, 
there  would  be  a  chance  of  winning.  There 
were  extensive  defections  in  the  Democratic 
strongholds  of  the  northwest  portion  of  the 
state  and  it  was  possible  for  the  majority  to 
be  dangerously  reduced.  The  day  before  the 
convention  convened  at  Houston  a  telegram 
was  received  from  Col.  Thomas  P.  Ochiltree 
declining  to  be  a  candidate  for  re-election  to 
Congress.  Col.  Ochiltree  was  one  of  the  pic 
turesque  figures  in  the  state,  as  well  known  and 
as  popular  in  New  York  as  in  Texas.  He  has 
facetiously  been  termed  a  compound  of  Beacons- 
field,  Sheridan  and  Falstaff.  Noted  for  his 
good  fellowship,  he  nevertheless  relaxed  no  ef 
fort  to  subserve  the  interest  of  his  common 
wealth.  His  refusal  to  be  again  a  candidate 
from  the  7th  Congressional  district  was  received 
with  regret. 

The  bill  for  the  deepening  of  Galveston  har 
bor  was  now  before  Congress.  Friends  of  the 
measure,  which  was  of  all  absorbing  interest 
in  Galveston,  believed  that  Col.  Ochiltree's  con 
tinuance  in  office  was  essential  to  the  success 


FORGING  TO  THE  FRONT,  1883-1884          55 

of  the  bill.  The  Republicans  nominated  Hon. 
George  B.  Rentfro  for  Congress.  No  one 
supposed  the  opposition  to  Democracy  would 
determine  the  question  of  representation,  but  the 
man  most  favorable  to  deep  water  and  the 
most  efficient  in  aiding  to  secure  it  was  the 
one  the  independent  voters  of  Galveston  County 
meant  to  support. 

The  Republican  County  Convention  which 
assembled  April  3d,  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
State  Convention,  proved  a  signal  victory  for 
father  and  his  followers  over  the  Malloy  fac 
tion.  Failing  to  receive  recognition  as  dele 
gates,  the  opposing  faction  attempted  to  im 
pede  the  work  of  the  convention,  but  father 
was  master  of  the  situation.  Contesting  delega 
tions  were  sent  to  Fort  Worth  with  Gen.  Mal 
loy  at  the  head.  The  local  papers  commented, 
—"It  is  generally  thought  that  owing  to  its 
feebleness,  it  is  the  last  expiring  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  Malloy  faction  for  party  control 
in  this  county.  The  war  has  waged  furiously 
for  many  years,  and  the  many  political  scalps 
dangling  from  Mr.  Cuney's  belt  proclaim  the 
completeness  of  his  victory."  The  fight  was 
carried  to  the  convention  which  met  the  first 
of  May  in  Fort  Worth.  Gen.  Malloy  was  de 
feated  and  in  an  interview  attributed  his  de 
feat  to  the  fact  that  many  white  Republicans 
voted,  as  they  did,  for  father  and  the  con- 


56  NOKBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

vention  recognized  the  Cuney  faction  as  the 
regular  organization  of  Galveston  County. 
Forecasting  the  struggle  at  the  National  Con 
vention,  he  added,  "If  Elaine  men  think  the 
majority  of  the  successful  delegation  were  for 
Elaine,  they  are  mistaken." 

The  convention  at  Fort  Worth  was  called 
to  choose  four  delegates-at-large  to  the  Repub 
lican  National  Convention  which  was  to  meet 
at  Chicago  on  the  3d  of  June.  Gen.  Malloy  had 
been  a  government  official  for  many  years  and 
a  warm  friend  of  Chester  A.  Arthur.  He 
fought  for  a  unanimous  delegation  from 
Texas  for  Arthur.  My  father,  a  strong  Elaine 
man,  was  selected  delegate-at-large  against  his 
protest.  Following  the  convention  the  press 
stated, — "Cuney  was  the  only  man  who  won  a 
victory;  but  Cuney's  complexion  precludes  him 
from  leadership  effectually.  The  day  has  not 
yet  arrived  when  a  Negro  can  be  the  leader 
of  even  the  Republican  party  in  Texas." 

When  the  Texas  delegation  arrived  in  Chicago 
early  in  June,  there  were  already  at  the  head 
quarters  at  the  Sherman  House,  Colonel  Patton, 
who  had  at  first  gone  to  Washington,  and  Mr. 
Webster  Flanagan,  straightforward  in  purpose, 
and  almost  reckless  in  speech.  Among  the 
Arthur  leaders  were  Gen.  Malloy,  Col.  De  Gress 
and  Edward  Burkett.  Father  was  selected 
member  of  the  National  Committee  for  the 


FOEGING   TO   THE  FRONT,   1883-1884         57 

state  of  Texas,  and  served  in  this  capacity  three 
consecutive  terms.  When  the  Convention  as 
sembled,  the  question  of  revising  the  representa 
tion  at  future  national  conventions  started  the 
first  motion  in  the  Texas  delegation.  Col.  Na 
than  Patton  moved  to  lay  this  motion  on  the 
table,  but  withdrew  his  motion  to  allow  debate 
on  the  original.  After  a  bitter  fight  made 
by  the  Southern  members  against  the  report,  it 
was  finally  withdrawn  amid  cheers.  The  Con 
vention  was  wild  with  enthusiasm  for  Blaine, 
but  Texas  had  some  extraordinary  conversions 
for  Arthur.  This  was  met  by  a  display  of 
energy,  fight  and  grand  work  for  the  Maine 
statesman.  Father  promised  that  Texas  would 
give  Blaine  at  the  very  least  one-half  of  her 
twenty-six  votes.  The  press  reports  stated: 
"N.  W.  Cuney,  one  of  the  most  modest  and  yet 
one  of  the  most  solid  in  his  influence  in  Chicago, 
is  to-night  working  hard  and  effectively  for 
Blaine.  He  has  an  up-hill  task  with  the  Texas 
delegation,  for  if  Blaine  gets  more  than  five 
votes  from  Texas  it  will  be  due  to  Cuney  7s 
efficient  management."  Again  it  was  said: 
"Cuney  has  handled  the  Blaine  men  with  in 
finite  tact;  and  held  his  thirteen  solid  in  spite 
of  blandishments  of  the  Arthur  men."  During 
the  balloting  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  conven 
tion,  the  California  delegates  electrified  the 
house  with  Webster  Flanagan's  cry — "What  are 


58  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

we  here  for?"  The  Texas  delegation  answered 
the  question  on  the  first  ballot  by  voting  eleven 
for  Arthur,  two  for  Logan  and  thirteen  for 
Elaine.  On  the  last  ballot  Texas  voted  nine  for 
Arthur,  sixteen  for  Blaine  and  one  absent.  The 
ballot  was  completed  and  James  G.  Blaine,  now 
in  full  vigor  of  all  his  powers,  was  nominated 
for  the  presidency. 

The  day  before  the  Texas  delegation  left  for 
home,  father  found  it  necessary  to  defend  him 
self  from  an  attack  made  upon  him.  A  special 
dispatch  to  the  Galveston  "News,"  explains  the 
occurrence:  "Chicago,  June  8. — "Last  night 
there  was  a  big  sensation  in  the  corridor  of  the 
Sherman  House.  Bissell,  formerly  a  customs 
officer  at  Brazoria,  and  afterward  editor  of  the 
"Grand  Army  Gazette,"  at  Washington,  now 
lives  here.  "While  in  Texas  he  had  several  Repub 
licans  arrested  for  bull-dozing  in  Brazoria,  but 
the  cases  were  dismissed  by  the  United  States 
commissioner,  there  being  no  evidence  whatever, 
and  Bissell  acknowledged  that  he  was  mistaken. 
Wright  Cuney  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
defense  of  the  accused,  and  when  Bissell  met 
Cuney  here  he  sought  several  opportunities  to 
create  a  difficulty  with  him,  but  the  Galveston 
representative  treated  him  with  contempt.  Last 
night  Bissell  with  half  a  dozen  Chicago  hood 
lums,  sought  Mr.  Cuney  in  the  Sherman  House, 
evidently  determined  on  mischief,  and  they 


FOEGING   TO   THE  FEONT,   1883-1884         59 

found  him — to  their  sorrow.  Bissell  approached 
him  and  endeavored  to  start  trouble,  but  Mr. 
Cuney  advised  him  to  go  away,  turning  con 
temptuously  away  from  him.  As  he  did  so, 
Bissell  attempted  to  strike  him  with  his  cane, 
when  Cuney  caught  him  quickly  by  the  arm  and 
thrashed  him  unmercifully.  Bissell  finally 
called  for  mercy  and  sneaked  out  of  the  hoteL 
In  five  minutes  all  the  Texas  delegation  were 
around  Mr.  Cuney  and  it  would  have  been 
bad  for  any  hoodlums  attempting  to  interfere. 
The  Galveston  representative  has  proved  that 
he  is  able  to  take  his  part,  not  only  in  politics, 
but  otherwise  when  necessary.  All  Texans  here 
are  unanimously  glad  at  Bissell's  just  punish 
ment/7  A  Democratic  journal  commented: 
"N.  W.  Cuney's  encounter  in  the  rotunda  of  the 
Sherman  House  shows  he  has  pluck  as  well  as 
brains."  At  the  close  of  the  convention,  father 
was  chosen  one  of  a  committee  of  fifty  of  its 
members  to  notify  Mr.  Blaine  officially  of  his 
nomination,  and  arrived  in  Augusta,  Maine,  on 
June  20. 

An  editorial  from  a  Democratic  journal  read : 
"A  new  element  will  hereafter  be  top  rail  in 
the  Texas  Republican  fence.  It  is  headed  by 
Wright  Cuney  of  Galveston — shrewd,  untiring, 
successful  Cuney  who  held  thirteen  of  the  Texas 
votes  solid  for  Blaine.  Malloy,  Collector  of 
Customs  at  Galveston,  headed  the  Arthur  thir- 


60  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

teen.  It  is  said  that  thirteen  is  an  unlucky 
number.  Cuney  can  afford  to  laugh  at  the  super 
stition,  but  Malloy  can't.  It  was  a  fair  fight 
between  factions,  each  staking  everything  on  the 
result,  and  Cuney  and  his  crowd  have  won. 
Outside  of  the  two  gangs  of  Republicans  there 
could  be  no  sympathy  for  either  side,  but 
Cuney's  plucky  fight  must  perforce  command 
admiration.  Verily  it  is  a  victory  for  Cuney." 

The  St.  Louis  Republic  (Dem.)  said:  aN.  W. 
Cuney  of  Galveston,  who  spent  several  days 
this  week  in  St.  Louis,  is  one  of  the  ablest  and 
most  influential  men  of  African  blood  in  the 
South.  He  is  the  Texas  member  of  the  Repub 
lican  National  Committee,  and  carried  a  major 
ity  of  the  Texas  delegation  for  Elaine  in  the 
last  Republican  Convention,  although  every 
custom  house,  post  office  and  federal  court  build 
ing  in  the  State  was  a  recruiting  agency  for 
Arthur." 

Father,  on  his  way  home  from  the  East,  en 
tered  the  Northern  part  of  the  State  through 
Texarkana.  There  he  was  questioned  by  a  cor 
respondent  of  the  "Gazette,"  who  published  the 
following:  "As  the  southbound  International 
train  rolled  into  the  depot  at  Texarkana,  the 
eye  of  the  'Gazetteer'  fell  upon  the  spare  form 
of  Wright  Cuney,  who  is  known  to  several 
citizens  of  Galveston,  especially  to  Gen.  Malloy. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  personal  appearance  of 


FORGING  TO   THE  FRONT,   1883-1884         61 

Cuney  to  indicate  the  many  times  the  types  have 
had  of  late  to  toy  with  his  name  in  political  con 
nection.  Slender  figure,  five  feet,  ten;  straight 
black  hair  and  mustache,  black  eyes;  high 
cheek  bones;  a  complexion  more  suggestive  of 
Italy's  sunny  clime  than  of  any  portion  of  Af 
rica's  darkness;  yet  to-day  he  is  the  head  and 
front  of  the  Negro  population  of  Texas.  A 
representative  man,  well-informed,  courteous, 
collected  and  with  marked  opinions  on  state  and 
national  piolitics.  It  may  be  possible  that  he 
has  not  modesty,  but  he  well  succeeds  in  as 
suming  that  virtue  if  he  has  it  not.  No  one 
will  detect  any  desire  on  his  part  to  unduly 
push  himself  forward  by  other  than  legitimate 
means.  Mr.  Cuney  has  just  returned  from  hold 
ing  sweet  communion  with  the  man  from  Maine ; 
having  gone  there  with  other  delegates  to  in 
form  Mr.  Elaine  of  his  nomination.  'We  were 
splendidly  entertained  in  Maine/  said  Mr. 
Cuney,  'and  our  visit  was  made  very  agreeable. 
Of  course  you  don't  want  me  to  recite  the 
circumstances  of  our  visit  to  Mr.  Blaine's  home ; 
the  press  has  already  given  that  in  full/  and 
he  continued:  'Oh,  of  course  we  Eepublicans 
expect  Elaine  to  be  elected,  and  since  my  visit 
to  New  York  I  learned  sufficient  to  show  me 
that  the  Democrats  can  not  carry  that  state. 
They  will  nominate  Cleveland  at  Chicago.  What 
do  I  expect  for  myself?  Oh,  nothing,  nothing. 


62  NOREIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

I  am  only  a  private  citizen  and  have  sought 
only  to  do  my  share  in  public  matters  toward 
my  race  and  party.  I  am  trying  to  build  up  my 
private  business  and  expect  to  stick  to  that.' '; 

Father's  reception  on  his  return  home  was  a 
most  happy  one.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon 
when  he  reached  home  from  his  long  journey, 
but  we  knew  we  were  not  to  have  him  long  to 
ourselves.  Already  before  the  train's  arrival,  men 
friends  had  come  to  the  house  and,  taking  posses 
sion  of  the  yard,  rapidly  made  preparations  for 
the  night's  welcome.  At  dark,  a  procession  of 
hundreds  of  torch-bearers,  headed  by  a  band, 
came  marching  down  Avenue  "L",  awaking  the 
streets  and  avenues  with  music  and  cheer. 
Father,  with  a  few  intimate  friends,  was  called 
on  the  porch,  while  we  sat  at  the  windows  that 
we  might  hear  the  speeches.  After  the  serenad 
ing  and  speech-making,  father  gave  an  appre 
ciative  response. 

The  Galveston  papers,  though  Democratic, 
were  not  remiss  in  showing  pride  in  the  honors 
bestowed  upon  their  townsman;  quoting  the 
criticisms  from  the  East,  they  headed  their 
articles — "Our  own  and  only  N.  "W.  Cuney." 
Among  many  interesting  descriptions,  was  one 
from  the  New  York  Sunday  "Press"  of  De 
cember  18, — "A  bright,  olive  complexioned 
gentleman  with  a  pleasant,  clean  cut  face  and  a 
pair  of  eyes  that  look  into  one's  soul;  a  well 


FOEG1NG  TO  THE  FEONT,  1883-1884         63 

made,  self  made  man,  full  of  native  vigor  and 
the  champion  of  his  race  in  the  far  southwest; 
brawny,  active,  well  read  on  current  topics  and 
an  honor  to  the  Republicans  of  Texas,  N.  W. 
Cuney  is  one  of  the  men  that  the  new  South,  if 
it  ever  exists,  ought  to  cling  to  with  clamps  of 
steel.  He  lives  down  in  Galveston,  Texas  and  is 
the  Republican  member  of  the  National  Commit 
tee  from  that  State.  A  consistent  and  thoroughly 
faithful  man  to  his  party,  he  has  stood  up  for 
its  principles  in  the  face  of  opposition  that  in 
many  other  States  of  the  South  has  made  men 
often  silent — sometimes  blind.  No  Republican 
is  of  better  repute  in  the  State — no  one  is  more 
popular  even  with  his  white  fellow  citizens  than 
the  gentleman  who  yesterday  started  back  to 
Texas  after  being  North  at  the  meeting  of  the 
National  Committee/' 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ALDERMAN  CUNEY. 

EARLY  in  the  year  1885,  after  the  defeat  of 
Elaine,  the  Galveston  city  election  was  held  and 
father  for  the  third  time  became  a  candidate 
for  Alderman  on  the  Citizens'  ticket.  When  the 
returns  came  in,  Cuney,  who  had  been  duly 
elected,  was  counted  out  and  C.  J.  Allen  was 
said  to  be  the  successful  candidate.  Father 
knew  that  fraud  existed  and  was  determined  to 
enter  a  contest.  He  had  become  a  candidate 
this  year  representing  the  twelfth  ward  and  the 
campaign  had  been  one  of  close  and  intense  inter 
est,  and  the  contest  a  notable  one.  The  apparent 
irregularities  in  the  returns  from  the  eleventh 
ward  formed  the  general  subject  of  gossip,  and 
the  sentiment  prevailed  that  the  election  returns 
had  been  tampered  with,  and  fraudulent  meth 
ods  taken  to  defeat  him. 

Plans  were  instituted  to  contest  the  returns; 

affidavits  were  taken  and  a  thorough  canvass 

made.    In  the  eleventh  ward,  the  vote  stood  309 

for  Allen  and  21  for  Cuney,  against  162  in  the 

64 


ALDERMAN  CUNEY  65 

tenth  ward  and  221  in  the  twelfth  ward — contig 
uous  wards.  The  total  vote  was  2389  for  Cuney 
and  2492  for  Allen.  In  the  eleventh  ward  which 
was  credited  with  21  votes  for  father,  97  citizens 
made  affidavit  of  having  voted  for  him.  In  the 
meantime  other  affidavits  were  taken.  More 
than  300  identified  their  ballots  as  having 
been  changed.  Many  ballots  were  destroyed, 
and  others  substituted  with  Allen's  name  on 
them. 

One  of  the  prominent  citizens  who  took  the 
stand  and  swore  that  he  had  voted  for  N.  W. 
Cuney  and  that  the  ballot  had  been  changed, 
was  Chief  Justice  A.  H.  Willie  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Texas.  Father,  of  course,  won  in  the 
contest  and  on  April  29th  was  declared  elected. 
He  was  appointed  on  the  Committees  of  Streets, 
Cemetery,  Police  and  Markets. 

In  the  City  Council  on  April  19,  1886,  Albert 
Weiss,  Alderman,  offered  a  resolution  providing 
for  the  appointment  by  the  Mayor,  of  a  charter 
amendment  committee.  The  resolution  passed 
and  the  Mayor  appointed  from  the  Board  of 
Aldermen,  Albert  Weiss,  M.  S.  Kleberg  and 
N.  W.  Cuney,  together  with  three  representative 
citizens  and  George  P.  Finlay,  city  attorney — 
the  Mayor  acting  as  ex-officio  chairman.  The 
Committee,  after  some  weeks'  session,  suggested 
amendments  to  the  city  charter  providing  for 
the  issuance  of  bonds  for  the  construction  of 


66  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

a  city  hall  and  market  house  and  for  $200,000  to 
be  invested  in  street  improvements  and  in  the 
water  works.  The  decision  of  the  Committee 
caused  considerable  argument.  One  stubborn 
point  reached  was  the  manner  of  electing  alder 
men — a  matter  which  father  moved  to  recon 
sider.  It  was  moved  to  make  six  wards  in  the 
city,  one  alderman  to  be  elected  from  each 
ward  and  in  addition  thereto,  six  aldermen  to 
be  elected  from  the  city  at  large.  The  question 
was  debated  at  length.  Father  favored  the  mi 
nority  proposition,  maintaining  in  his  argument, 
that  by  electing  the  entire  body  by  the  vote  of  the 
whole  city  the  virtual  disfranchisement  of  the 
minority  would  be  achieved.  The  amendments 
were  finally  passed. 

The  following  year,  he  represented  the  city 
as  Alderman-at-large  and  was  placed  on  two 
of  the  most  important  committees,  viz.,  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  and  revenue,  and  the  com 
mittee  on  claims  and  accounts. 

This  was  an  era  marked  by  a  growing  ten 
dency  towards  unfairness  and  humiliation  for  the 
colored  people.  The  South,  interpreting  the 
law  and  the  constitution  according  to  her  own 
ideas  of  fairness,  had  not  as  yet  found  it  neces 
sary  to  make  new  laws  in  keeping  with  the 
many  acts  of  prejudice  and  discrimination. 
Particularly  were  the  railroads  attempting  to 
discriminate  against  their  colored  passengers. 


ALDERMAN  CUNEY  67 

The  case  of  Mrs.  Morris,  who  had  been  forced 
into  a  second-class  coach  while  holding  a  first- 
class  ticket,  engrossed  father's  attention  and  in 
terest. 

Another  incident,  amusing  in  some  of  its 
aspects,  occurred  about  the  same  time  and  was 
one  which  touched  him  more  closely.  My  uncle 
Joseph  had  gone  to  the  depot  with  mother  to 
see  her  off  to  Houston,  where  she  was  to  join 
father,  who  was  there  attending  a  matter  of 
business.  The  conductor  of  the  first-class  coach 
saw  them  coming  and,  knowing  them  to  be 
colored,  he  quickly  locked  the  door  of  the  coach, 
as  he  knew  from  experience  that  no  argument 
or  force  could  compel  mother  to  enter  a  second- 
class  car.  After  locking  the  door  he  disap 
peared.  It  was  then  nearly  train  time  and  the 
coach  was  nearly  filled  with  passengers.  For  a 
second,  disconcerted,  mother  looked  around  and 
then  innocently  turning  to  Uncle  Joseph,  said: 
"Well,  Joe,  there  are  people  in  the  coach  and  I 
see  but  one  means  of  entrance  and  that  is  the 
window,  so  give  me  your  hand  as  i  mount."  And 
then,  as  if  mounting  a  horse,  she  got  in  the 
window  and  took  her  seat  demurely.  It  was 
now  time  for  the  train  to  leave,  so  the  con 
ductor  hastened  forward,  glanced  hastily 
around,  saw  only  Uncle  Joseph  and  surmising 
that  his  strategy  had  worked,  unlocked  the  door 


68  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

and  cried  with  great  satisfaction,  "All  aboard." 
Entering  his  coach  to  collect  tickets  he  was 
greatly  chagrined  and  bewildered  to  see  mother 
sitting  there  quite  contented  and  with  perfect 
ease  and  indifference. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  THICK  OF  THE  FIGHT. 

ON  the  first  of  December,  1886,  in  the  town 
of  Brenham,  three  Negroes  were  taken  from 
the  jail  and  hung.  Newspaper  reports  read: 
"The  mob  was  composed  of  from  twenty  to  sixty 
men,  quiet,  sober  and  well-behaved.  They  came 
to  town  on  business  and  their  plans  had  been 
carefully  prepared  and  they  were  carried  out 
to  the  letter." 

There  had  been  election  disturbances  in  the 
county  for  two  years  previous  to  the  lynching. 
At  a  general  election,  a  number  of  armed  men, 
masked,  entered  the  election  room  in  the  nearby 
town  of  Chappel  Hill,  and  without  a  word  of 
warning  shot  three  colored  men  who  were  en 
gaged  in  counting  the  vote,  without  even  a  fol 
lowing  investigation  or  arrest.  The  memory  of 
this  outrage  caused  the  colored  people  to  be 
watchful  and  ready  to  defend  themselves  and 
their  franchise. 

In  the  Fall  election  which  followed,  475  legal 
Republican  ballots  were   seized   and   destroyed 
by  armed  masked  men,  while  boxes  of  returns 
69 


70  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

were  destroyed.  Bolton,  said  to  be  a  prominent 
citizen,  was  among  the  masked  men  engaged 
in  seizing  the  ballot  and  was  killed. 

The  Negroes  who  were  lynched,  with  five 
others,  were  charged  with  having  been  impli 
cated  in  the  murder.  The  men  were  released 
under  bonds.  Acting  under  advice  of  friends, 
they  refused  to  accept  the  release.  Eight  col 
ored  men  who  were  present  at  the  time  Bolton 
was  killed  were  arrested  by  a  large  force  of 
armed  men  and  kept  in  custody  near  Brenham. 

Immediately  afterwards,  the  Commissioner's 
Court  met  and  declared  the  election  of  all  can 
didates  on  the  "People's"  ticket.  At  the  same 
time  a  cry  was  raised  of  Negro  insurrection. 
A  telegram  was  sent  to  the  sheriff  for  the  pur 
pose  of  getting  him  away  from  the  city.  Crowds 
of  excited  men  gathered — mutterings  concern 
ing  Negro  supremacy  were  heard,  and  open 
threats  made. 

The  "Radicals"  made  incendiary  speeches  and 
blamed  the  Republicans  for  the  disturbances, 
saying  they  had  used  whiskey  and  money  to 
secure  the  Negro  vote  and  had  favored  "social 
equality."  Advantage  was  taken  of  the  death 
of  Bolton  to  stir  up  popular  prejudice  and  to 
foment  mob  violence,  which  finally  culminated 
in  the  wholesale  hanging  of  the  defenseless  col 
ored  prisoners. 

Brenham  boasts  a  fine  German  population  and 


THE   THICK   OF   THE   FIGHT  71 

German  citizens  compose  the  property  owners 
of  the  county.  They  were  nearly  all  Republi 
cans  and  were,  as  they  are  to-day,  peaceably 
disposed  citizens.  They  condemned  the  lynch 
ing  which  disgraced  their  town.  One  citizen 
stated,  "these  colored  men  were  taken  from  jail 
and  hung  not  because  they  were  guilty  of  crime, 
but  because  they  knew  too  much  about  the 
crimes  of  the  men  who  were  the  instigators  of 
the  lynching." 

At  a  meeting  over  which  father  presided,  reso 
lutions  were  framed  "condemning  such  acts  of 
lawlessness,  calling  attention  to  the  dilatory  ac 
tion  of  the  Governor  during  the  labor  troubles 
and  his  promptness  in  sending  troops  to  quell 
imaginary  Negro  uprisings/7 

Father  both  wrote  and  spoke  against  the  ac 
tion  of  the  cowardly  mob,  which  caused  him 
to  be  the  recipient  of  anonymous  letters.  One 
of  Dec.  8th,  read:  "Come  up  here — we  have 
fifty  men  who  can  clean  you  up.  We  know  you 
and  you  had  better  look  out.  "We  are  more  than 
anxious  for  the  blood  of  such  stirrers-up  of 
race  prejudice.  We  would  like  very  well  to 
see  you  and  beg  you  to  come  up  here  and  help 
the  cause  of  your  brother  murderers. 

(Signed)   "Revenge." 

No  action  was  taken  by  the  authorities  to 
apprehend  the  lynchers  but  the  outrage  rankled 
in  the  heart  of  every  colored  man  in  the  State. 


72  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Shortly  after  father  received  the  anonymous 
letters,  my  mother  and  I  passed  through  Bren- 
ham  en  route  to  Austin.  Father,  who  accom 
panied  us,  had  telegraphed  Brenham  friends  to 
meet  him  at  the  train,  as  it  stopped  for  twenty 
minutes  at  that  station — his  customary  way, 
when  traveling,  of  seeing  his  political  friends. 

I  well  remember  my  mother  pleading  with 
him  not  to  go  out  on  the  platform  for  fear  he 
would  be  harmed.  He  laughed  her  fears  aside 
and,  declaring  "they  are  all  cowards,"  swung 
down  from  the  train  steps  and  talked  with  his 
friends  until  the  time  for  departure. 

The  following  year,  father  for  the  fifth  time 
was  a  candidate  for  the  city  .council  on  the  "Citi 
zens'  "  ticket.  The  Galveston  Tribune  in  an  inter 
view  with  one  of  the  leading  merchants  of  Gal 
veston,  was  told:  "I  hear  that  there  is  a  dis 
position  in  some  quarters  to  scratch  Mr.  Cuney, 
but  it  will  not  be  sufficient  to  defeat  him. 

"It  is  mainly  race  prejudice,  but  it  is  con 
fined  to  a  very  few  people.  The  colored  people 
are  among  us  and  they  are  certainly  entitled 
to  representation.  It  is  estimated  that  there 
are  5000  colored  people  in  Galveston.  It  is  a 
credit  to  both  races  that  a  man  of  Mr.  Cuney's 
ability  has  been  so  often  chosen  to  represent 
not  alone  these  5000  people,  but  the  people  at 
large. 

"A  short  time  since,  I  overheard  Captain  Jim 


THE    TRICK   OF   THE   FIGHT  73 

McDonald  express  his  opinion  of  Mr.  Cuney. 
When  Capt.  McDonald  went  into  the  council, 
he  was  very  prejudiced  against  him,  but  after 
having  been  associated  with  him  for  two  years 
as  a  member  of  the  city  council,  he  frankly  ad 
mitted  that  he  was  an  able  and  conscientious 
representative  and  that  no  man  could  impugn 
his  honesty.  No  man  will  question  Capt.  Mc 
Donald's  candor,  for  he  has  the  courage  to 
avow  his  convictions.  It  is  also  asserted  that 
there  is  dissatisfaction  with  Mr.  Cuney  among 
his  own  people,  but  I  think  the  amount  of  this 
dissatisfaction  is  too  small  to  talk  about.  Mr. 
Cuney  will  get  the  solid  support  of  the  best 
citizens.  He  has  made  a  good  representative 
and  he  should  be  re-elected." 

In  opposition  to  Mayor  R.  L.  Fulton,  Col. 
McAlpine  had  entered  the  field  for  Mayor.  The 
men  who  were  managing  the  McAlpine  candi 
dacy  were  determined  to  win  and  planned  to 
cut  the  "Citizens'"  ticket  all  along,  unless  the 
"Citizens'"  Committee  joined  in  the  gas  com 
pany's  fight  against  Fulton. 

It  was  reported :  "What  is  known  as  the  'rule 
or  ruin  element,'  in  all  emergencies  join  hands 
with  that  element  typified  as  hoodlumism.  It 
is  well  known  that  this  crowd  does  not  want  Mc 
Alpine,  but  they  do  want  to  defeat  Fulton.  They 
are  willing  to  sacrifice  the  "Citizens' "  ticket — 


74  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

willing  to  sacrifice  the  best  interests  of  the  city 
to  get  even  with  Fulton." 

The  followers  of  both  McAlpine  and  Malloy 
scratched  the  "Citizens'"  ticket  in  the  interest 
of  their  respective  candidates.  The  plan  was 
to  sacrifice  a  vote  for  alderman  for  a  vote  for 
Mayor  and  to  promise  a  number  of  votes  for 
the  "Citizens' "  ticket,  provided  they  would  de 
liver  a  like  number  of  votes  for  Malloy. 

Father  was  the  victim  of  this  combine.  The 
McAlpine  managers  cast  the  white  vote  almost 
solidly  for  his  opponent,  Allen.  They  had  failed 
to  influence  the  colored  voters.  It  was  suspected 
that  a  quiet  understanding  had  been  arrived 
at  among  the  McAlpinites  to  sacrifice  Cuney 
and  steps  were  taken  to  verify  it.  Men  were 
placed  at  several  polling  places  to  note  the 
counting.  The  listeners  noted  every  ticket  that 
McAlpine  headed  and  the  names  for  aldermen 
as  they  were  called  off.  The  McAlpine  sup 
porters  voted  the  "Citizens' "  ticket  straight  with 
the  one  exception,  Allen. 

The  Galveston  daily  papers  commented  upon 
my  father's  defeat  with  regret.  A  Houston 
Herald  editorial  read:  "N.  W.  Cuney  and 
the  paragrapher  of  the  Galveston  Evening 
Tribune  should  be  tied  together  for  some  time. 
The  Tribune  weeps  because  Cuney  wasn't  elected 
over  a  good  white  Democrat." 

The  reply  came:    "The  Tribune  paragrapher 


THE    THICK   OF    THE   FIGHT  75 

would  rather  be  tied  to  a  brainy  colored  man 
than  to  a  fledgling  journalist  who  hasn't  discre 
tion  enough  to  keep  quiet  regarding  matters 
of  which  he  absolutely  knows  nothing." 

The  Houston  Post,  a  daily  that  fought  father 
for  many  years,  commented:  "They  downed 
the  Negro  politician,  Wright  Cuney,  in  the 
Galveston  city  election.  The  good  things  come 
in  small  streaks  this  year." 

Again  the  Galveston  paper  retorted.  "The 
streak  was  so  small  that  time  that  a  majority 
of  the  intelligent  people  of  Galveston  failed  to 
see  it.  Wright  Cuney  made  an  excellent  alder 
man  and  would  have  been  re-elected  had  he 
consented  to  sacrifice  another  (Fulton)  to  save 
himself — had  he  consented  to  use  his  influence 
to  induce  colored  men  to  sell  their  votes.  Cuney 
refused  to  do  this  and  the  men  who  made  the 
proposition,  carried  out  their  threat  and  knifed 
him.  Wright  Cuney,  the  Negro  politician,  would 
rather  be  right  and  retain  his  self-respect  than 
crawl  into  office  through  treachery  and  cor 
ruption." 

After  the  election,  father  was  appointed  by 
the  newly-elected  Mayor,  Mr.  Fulton,  and  con 
firmed  by  the  city  council,  as  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Commissioners  of  Water  Works.  He 
served  as  commissioner  for  two  years,  1887-1889. 
The  water  works,  including  the  collection  of 
water  rates,  tolls  and  revenues,  were  under  the 


76  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

control  and  management  of  the  Board  of  Com 
missioners,  while  it  was  also  their  duty  to  ap 
point  all  officers,  agents  and  employes  neces 
sary  for  the  operation  of  the  works. 

The  twentieth  legislature  by  special  act  gave 
Galveston  authority  to  issue  $450,000  in  bonds 
for  the  construction  of  a  water  works  system. 
"Too  much  praise,"  it  was  said,  "cannot  be  given 
to  Messrs.  Brown,  Beers,  Crooks  and  Cuney,  for 
their  labor  in  bringing  about  such  excellent  re 
sults." 

During  the  anti-prohibition  campaign  in  May 
1887,  the  Dallas  anti-prohibition  convention 
named  my  father  as  one  of  the  sixty-two  mem 
bers  of  the  Executive  Committee  for  the  State. 
He  declined  to  serve,  giving  the  reason  that 
he  was  a  member  of  the  National  Republican 
Executive  Committee,  and  to  accept  such  a  posi 
tion  might  be  construed  as  giving  the  anti- 
prohibition  movement  a  political  recognition  and 
sanction  which  had  so  far  been  avoided  on  both 
sides.  The  prohibition  question  was  submitted 
to  the  people  at  a  time  when  no  general  elec 
tion  was  to  be  held,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  giving  the  voter  an  opportunity  of  deciding 
without  making  it  a  "party"  question.  Party 
Jeaders  disagreed  as  to  the  effect  the  prohibi 
tion  movement  had  upon  the  Republican  party 
in  the  State. 

Father,  when  questioned,  replied  in  a  letter 


THE    THICK   OF    THE   FIGHT  77 

to  the  Ft.  Worth  Gazette  of  Sept.  12th :  "The  ef 
fect  of  the  prohibition  canvasses  upon  the  future 
of  the  Republican  party  in  this  State  is  almost 
wholly  conditioned  upon  the  future  action  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  reference  to  the  dis 
posal  of  that  vexatious  question. 

"The  prohibition  was,  to  the  Republicans,  a 
'go-as-you-please/  I  think  it  is  a  fact,  that  can 
not  well  be  controverted,  that  fully  one-third 
of  them  voted  the  anti  ticket.  Should  the  Demo 
cratic  party  in  its  convention  next  year  declare 
prohibition  un-Democratic,  it  will  be  offensive 
to  many  prohibition  Democrats.  But  they 
will  not  for  that  reason  join  the  Republican 
party. 

"They  would  become  out-and-out  prohibition 
ists,  were  it  not  for  fear  that  such  action  might 
in  some  way  aid  the  Republican  party.  This 
in  their  minds  is  a  greater  evil  than  whiskey. 
This  is  especially  true  in  all  Southern  States, 
except  those  that  are  developing  their  mining 
and  manufacturing  interests. 

"Should  the  Republican  party  declare  for  pro 
hibition,  it  would  cost  the  loss  of  the  German 
vote;  they  would  not  gain  the  Democratic  Pro 
hibitionists,  for  outside  of  a  few  centers  of  popu 
lation,  our  Southern  Democrats  are  Bourbons 
and  don't  intend  that  any  prohibition  or  labor 
movement  shall  be  their  'Trojan  horse.'  r' 

When   asked,   at   the   same   time,   concerning 


78  NOKBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

the  tariff,  he  continued:  "I  think  it  is  plain  to 
any  observer  of  current  politics,  that  the  tariff 
question,  in  so  far  as  it  relates  to  labor,  has 
placed  our  Democratic  friends  in  Virginia  and 
Tennessee  in  the  condition  of  most  people  when 
they  go  to  sea. 

"Mr.  Mills  may  cry  out  from  the  wilderness 
that  Mr.  Randall  'must  go,'  but  he  will  find 
that  the  next  national  platform  of  his  party 
will  have  in  it  a  double  ender — upon  one  end 
he  will  find  Mr.  Eandall  and  his  protection 
friends,  and  upon  the  other,  Messrs.  Carlisle, 
Morrison,  Madison  and  himself;  leaving  it  to 
Mr.  Randall  and  his  friends,  to  say  to  the  manu 
facturing  interests  that  it  means  protection,  and 
the  others  to  say  to  the  rural  and  shipping  in 
terests  that  it  means  free  trade." 


CHAPTER  X. 
HOME  LIFE. 

THE  twelfth  ward  in  Galveston,  in  which 
we  always  lived,  was  in  the  East  End  of  the 
city,  near  the  beach.  Our  house,  which  was  a 
modest  one,  was  in  every  sense  a  home. 

My  mother  was  not  strong  and  spent  much 
time  out  doors  with  her  flowers.  There  were 
roses — red,  pink  and  white,  and  the  yellow 
Marechal  Neil;  borders  of  violets,  daffodils  and 
jonquils  in  the  spring,  and  asters  and  chrysan 
themums  in  the  fall,  with  cape  jasmine,  well 
known  in  Texas,  but  now  rare  and  precious  to 
me,  after  years  of  life  in  the  Northeast. 

Back  of  the  house  were  orange  trees,  plum 
and  pomegranate,  the  purple  fig  and  mulberry 
trees,  where  we  used  to  read  perched  upon  seats 
among  the  branches.  Mother  cared  zealously 
for  her  flowers  until  Easter,  when  the  yard, 
awakened  by  the  spring,  would  be  stripped  and 
the  flowers  carried  to  the  hospital. 

Our  home  life  was  particularly  happy.  The 
three  married  brothers  lived  within  a  radius  of 
three  blocks.  There  were  seven  cousins,  and  as 
79 


80  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

we  were  near  the  same  age,  we  were  companion 
able  and  always  warm  friends.  We  found  much 
pleasure  on  the  beach  and  in  the  surf.  Father, 
who  enjoyed  surf  bathing,  went  often  with  us. 

Christmas  and  New  Years  were  of  course 
our  gayest  holidays.  There  was  always  a  gen 
erous  Santa  Claus,  but  father  gave  his  personal 
gifts  on  the  first  day  of  the  year.  The  night 
before,  we  always  had  a  family  party  enlivened 
by  the  visits  of  intimate  friends.  Father  en 
joyed  reading  aloud  the  poems  of  the  old  year, 
always  closing  with  "Ring  out  the  old,  ring  in 
the  new."  As  midnight  approached,  we  would 
guess  the  minute  and  all  troop  out  doors  to 
see  the  stars  shining  on  the  new-old  world. 

"Open  house"  was  held  on  New  Years  Day, 
with  the  reception  for  the  grown-ups. 

Christmas  with  the  children's  party  and  the 
candle-lighted  tree,  always  brought  us  books 
galore.  Our  first  introduction  to  New  England 
was  through  a  treasured  Christmas  book — "A 
Family  Flight  Around  Home/'  by  Edward 
Everett  Hale  and  his  sister. 

Father  cared  but  little  for  current  fiction. 
He  read  deeply,  preferring  early  Hebrew,  Greek 
and  Eoman  history.  He  was  fond  of  the 
classics,  and  in  poetry,  enjoyed  Byron,  perhaps 
next  to  Shakespeare.  He  often  read  aloud  to 
us,  and  we  liked  to  listen,  although  there  were 
many  things  which  we  could  not  understand. 


HOME  LIFE  81 

Shakespeare  was  his  beloved  poet,  and  he  knew 
him  intimately.  Father's  enthusiasm  awakened 
the  interest  of  my  boy  cousins,  and  the  two 
brothers,  Richard  and  Wright,  who  bore  my 
father's  name,  used  to  commit  to  memory  long 
passages,  and  in  the  dining  room  made  cheerful 
by  an  open  fire,  they  rehearsed  scenes  from 
Shakespeare's  plays.  "We  young  children  of 
the  family,  Nisi,  Philip,  Daisy,  my  brother  Lloyd 
and  I,  composed  the  audience  and  thought  the 
actors  very  wonderful. 

A  retainer  and  faithful  friend  of  ours  limped 
in  his  walk.  Father  said  he  walked  like  Richard 
III,  and  often  when  this  man  came  into  his 
presence,  would  softly  quote  in  an  affectionate, 
quizzing  undertone,  passages  from  the  play. 

Father,  intensely  sympathetic  and  generous 
to  a  fault,  was  often  imposed  upon.  Mother 
continually  reprimanded  him  for  going  on  bond 
for  some  repentant  law-breaker,  who  had  pleaded 
for  a  chance  to  reform  and,  usually,  to  run 
away;  or  for  bestirring  himself  to  get  work  for 
some  unfortunate  who  repaid  him  by  opposing 
him  in  the  next  election. 

There  were  certain  men  in  Galveston  who 
invariably  opposed  him  in  any  convention,  or 
in  any  of  his  public  undertakings,  but  who  came 
to  him  whenever  they  were  out  of  work.  Mother 
argued  against  his  assisting  them,  but  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  his  kindness  was  abused,  he 


82  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

was  not  soured.  He  met  every  argument  smil 
ingly  and  repeated  the  phrase :  "Forgive  them, 
they  know  not  what  they  do." 

He  had  a  hatred  of  form  and  ceremony  and 
was  impatient  with  creed  and  dogma.  While 
he  belonged  to  no  church,  he  had  the  heart  and 
soul  of  a  Christian,  and  was  a  follower  of  the 
Lowly  Nazarene'. 

The  term  "Nigger"  was  hateful  in  the  extreme 
to  father  and  was  never  used  in  our  home.  Upon 
one  occasion,  when  we  attended  the  theatre  in 
Boston  to  see  the  Kendalls — (he  never  entered 
a  theatre  in  the  South) — father  was  incensed  at 
Mr.  Kendall's  free  use  of  the  word  Nigger  on 
the  stage,  and  both  the  play  and  the  English 
actor  were  lowered  in  his  estimation. 

Our  home  was  a  music-loving  one.  Mother 
played  the  piano  and  sang.  Father's  apprecia 
tion  was  not  that  of  the  ultra-modern  school. 
He  liked  the  old  songs  of  Ireland,  martial  strains 
and  melodies  from  the  old  Italian  operas. 

The  correction  of  our  childish  faults  lay 
chiefly  in  mother's  hands,  for  father  could  not 
withstand  tears  or  pleadings.  However,  he 
taught  us  self-control  and  always  cautioned  my 
brother  and  me,  to  "Do  as  you  please,  but  please 
to  do  right."  He  was  particularly  sensitive  and 
tender  in  his  affections.  No  wish  of  mine  was 
ever  left  ungratified,  and  nothing  would  put  him 
in  a  more  furious  rage  than  any  question  of 


HOME  LIFE  83 

my  ill  treatment.  It  was  so  in  later  years.  He 
remained  my  worshipping  and  worshipped 
father. 

Little  time  did  he  give  to  pleasure,  for  life 
took  a  strong  hold  on  him.  He  continually 
shortened  his  sleeping  hours  in  order  to  have 
more  time  for  his  work — an  unfortunate  habit, 
for  he  early  suffered  from  insomnia;  a  condi 
tion  due,  no  doubt,  to  overwork,  and  his  nerv 
ous  desire  to  lengthen  his  working  day.  Aside 
from  his  private  business,  in  his  work  for  better 
racial  conditions,  the  demands  on  his  time  were 
enormous.  He  was  no  "holiday  politician"  and, 
imperious  and  impetuous  as  he  was  in  action, 
he  fought  his  battles  with  sincerity  and  earnest 
ness. 

At  three  o'clock  father  was  usually  at  home, 
unless  detained  on  one  of  the  ships  that  the 
longshore  men  might  be  loading  far  out  in  the 
harbor.  The  close  of  the  dinner  hour  was  one 
of  the  happiest  periods  o±  the  day.  Father,  sip 
ping  his  claret,  his  only  dinner  wine,  followed 
by  the  inevitable  cigar — he  smoked  incessantly 
—would  in  these  moments  of  leisure,  talk  of  the 
world  happenings  of  the  day,  or  engage  in  dis 
cussion  with  mother  over  some  book  they  were 
reading.  I  remember  particularly  their  talk  of 
Mrs.  Ward's  Robert  Elsmere. 


CHAPTER  XL 

FORT  BEND. 

ONE  afternoon  in  the  late  Fall  of  1888,  father 
was  not  at  home  at  the  expected  time  and  mother, 
thinking  he  was  detained  by  business,  decided 
not  to  delay  the  dinner  hour.  We  were  in  the 
dining  room  when  father  came  into  the  house. 
His  face  was  wan  and  he  looked  weary.  Mother, 
quick  to  notice  the  slightest  change  in  his  coun 
tenance,  questioned  him.  Unable  to  reply,  he 
sat  down  at  the  table  and  buried  his  head  upon 
his  arms.  He  was  thoroughly  disheartened  and 
unnerved. 

Finally  he  told  us  what  had  happened.  Fort 
Bend  county,  the  heart  of  the  black  belt,  where 
colored  men  had  worked  long  and  well,  and  had 
acquired  valuable  lands  and  money,  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  rioting  white  mob,  and  well-known 
colored  men  had  been  persecuted. 

There  had  been  two  recent  murders  in  the 
county.  On  was  that  of  R.  L.  Shamblin,  a  prom 
inent  citizen  of  Richmond,  who  while  sitting  in 
his  home  reading  out  of  the  Bible  to  his  family, 
was  fired  upon  from  without  and  killed.  The 
84 


FOET  BEND  85 

other  was  that  of  Henry  Frost,  who  was  fired 
upon  from  ambush.  The  two  men  were  white 
Democratic  leaders  of  the  disturbing  faction 
known  as  the  "Jaybirds." 

Without  investigation,  colored  men  were  said 
to  be  "agitators"  and  "suspected"  of  having  in 
stigated  the  assassinations.  The  result  was  that 
six  of  the  most  prominent  colored  citizens — in 
telligent  men  who  held  important  offices — were 
driven  out  of  the  county.  Charles  M.  Ferguson, 
district  clerk,  and  Dr.  Davis,  a  well-known  physi 
cian,  were  given  forty-eight  hours  to  leave.  No 
opportunity  was  given  them  to  provide  for  the 
safety  of  their  families  or  to  dispose  of  their 
property.  Wm.  Caldwell,  another  colored  citi 
zen,  was  arrested  for  the  killing  of  Shamblin. 

Organized  mobs  took  possession  of  the  towns 
and  thoroughly  intimidated  the  colored  people 
who  remained.  An  appeal  was  made  to  Gov. 
Ross,  who  sent  the  Adjutant  General  to  the 
scene.  This  officer  refused  to  confer  with  the 
sheriff,  but  consulted  the  mob  instead,  remark 
ing  that  the  next  time  he  came,  it  would  not  be 
as  an  official,  but  that  he  would  help  kill  every 
Negro  in  the  county. 

A  number  of  the  men  father  knew  personally. 
He  heard  that  they  were  forced  to  flee,  leaving 
their  families  to  face  the  mob.  He  was  greatly 
grieved  and  wanted  to  take  immediate  action 
to  help  his  friends.  Mother  tried  to  console  him 


86  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

and  told  him  that  whatever  action  he  might  take 
would  only  lead  to  danger  for  himself,  and  per 
haps  (prophetically  speaking),  would  be  repaid 
by  the  enmity  of  the  very  men  for  whose  mis 
fortune  he  now  grieved. 

This  was  a  new  scene  in  our  happy  home  life, 
and  for  the  first  time  I  realized  what  the  word 
"prejudice"  meant.  Father  had  repeatedly 
taught  us  that  "all  men  were  equal/7  but  this 
seemed  a  dark  horror  that  could  not  be  reasoned 
away. 

After  the  riot  appeared  a  new  publication 
calling  itself  "The  Official  Organ  of  the  Jaybird 
Democratic  Association  of  Fort  Bend  County." 
One  editorial  said:  "Fort  Bend,  Waller,  Bra- 
zoria,  Wharton  and  Matagorda  have  long  been 
known  as  the  Senegambian  districts,  and  have 
suffered  no  little  from  designing  politicians  fol 
lowed  by  the  vast  ignorant  Negro  population, 
but  the  white  citizens  at  last  got  their  eyes 
open,  and  we  now  expect  to  see  a  radical  change 
in  the  political  standing  of  these  counties,  and 
that  too  in  a  very  short  time.  Fort  Bend  Demo 
crats  have  just  succeeded  in  freeing  themselves 
from  Negro  rule  and  are  now  willing  to  aid  other 
counties  in  doing  the  same." 

In  November,  an  effort  was  made  to  conciliate 
the  frightened  Negroes.  A  notice  was  pub 
lished  to  the  effect  that  a  mass  meeting  would 
be  held  at  the  Court  House,  with  a  view  to  ex- 


FOET  BEND  87 

plain  that  the  object  of  the  recent  Democratic 
association  was  not  to  disfranchise  the  Negro 
altogether ! 

"The  White  Man's  Union,"  another  associa 
tion  organized  the  same  month,  held  a  conven 
tion  and  from  their  platform  gave  more  light 
as  to  the  cause  of  the  recent  race  riot.  They 
stated  that  "the  feeling  had  been  intense  over 
the  election  of  a  Negro,  last  Fall,  to  the  office 
of  county  and  dristict  clerk  and  our  object  was 
to  discourage  Negroes  from  filling  public  offices." 
Their  influence  was  so  strongly  felt,  that  it 
resulted  in  the  resignation  of  the  county  clerk 
and  colored  constable.  "Resignations  were  ac 
cepted  !"  A  new  clerk  and  constable,  both  white, 
immediately  took  the  oath  and  much  satisfac 
tion  was  expressed. 

The  Fort  Bend  County  Grand  Jury  returned 
two  indictments  against  Mr.  Ferguson,  one 
charging  him  with  being  an  accessory  to  the 
assassination  of  Shamblin,  and  the  other,  with 
conspiring  to  assassinate  Frost.  Forced  to  leave 
his  family  and  home,  Mr.  Ferguson  went  to 
Nashville,  Tenn.,  hoping  to  file  a  suit  in  the 
Federal  Courts  against  forty  citizens  of  Fort 
Bend  County.  Later,  he  went  to  Washington, 
D.  C.,  to  seek  government  employment. 

Father  took  charge  of  his  interests,  and  on 
Sept.  28th,  he  wrote  to  Hon.  George  C.  Tichenor 
at  Washington:  "I  desire  to  repeat  what  I  said 


88  NOEE1S  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

to  you  while  in  Washington,  regarding  the  ap 
pointment  of  Mr.  Ferguson  to  the  position  which 
he  seeks  as  one  fraught  with  great  importance 
to  the  Republicans,  not  only  of  Texas,  but 
throughout  the  South.  Outside  of  the  fact  that 
he  is  honest,  intelligent  and  worthy  to  fill  the 
position,  he  has  claims  upon  a  Republican  ad 
ministration. 

"We  propose  to  make  a  test  case  of  his  suit, 
as  to  whether  a  man  can  be  driven  from  his 
home  and  his  property,  by  the  oligarchy  which 
not  only  now  rules  the  South,  but  proposes  to 
rule  the  country — because  he  dares  to  differ  with 
it  on  political  questions.  I  enclose  herewith  a 
copy  of  his  petition  filed  in  the  U.  S.  Court 
here,  that  you  may  better  understand  just  what 
we  are  striving  to  accomplish  in  this  case.  I 
hope  you  will  have  time  to  read  it  and  lay  the 
same  before  the  Secretary. 

"It  does  seem  to  me  that  our  friends  in  the 
North  are  asleep  on  this  Southern  question. 
They  have  not  the  time  to  consider  it  or 
they  certainly  would  understand  the  purposes 
of  this  southern  oligarchy.  The  South  has 
ceased  to  be  a  democracy  so  far  as  the  Negro  is 
concerned.  I  urgently  recommend  that  im 
mediate  action  be  taken  in  this  case." 

In  a  letter  to  Hon.  J.  S.  Clarkson,  then  First 
Assistant  Postmaster  General,  he  said:  "My 
friend,  Mr.  Ferguson,  will  call  on  you  to  talk 


FOET  BEND  89 

about  a  matter  of  vast  importance  not  only  to 
himself,  but  to  southern  Republicans  in  general. 
I  hope  you  will  spare  him  as  much  time  as 
possible  and  be  patient  to  listen  to  what  he  has 
to  say. 

"When  you  thoroughly  understand  his  case, 
I  know  that  you  will  be  deeply  interested  in 
it  and  will  do  what  you  can  to  aid  him.  I  was 
assured  while  at  Washington  that  he  would  be 
given  a  position  as  special  inspector  of  Customs 
at  some  point  outside  of  Texas.  A  few  days 
before  leaving,  I  had  a  long  interview  with 
Secretary  Windom,  explaining  to  him  fully  the 
situation  in  this  case.  Mr.  Tichenor  recom 
mended  to  the  Secretary  that  he  be  appointed, 
but  there  seems  to  be  a  hitch  somewhere." 

About  the  same  time  father  wrote  to  David 
Abner,  Jr.,  who  is  now  the  President  of  Conroe 
College,  Texas: 

"I  write  you  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Charles 
M.  Ferguson,  who  you  know  was  driven  from 
his  home  by  a  Democratic  mob  at  Richmond 
some  time  since.  You  are  doubtless  aware 
of  the  fact  that  he  is  now  at  Nashville,  Tenn., 
to  which  place  he  has  taken  his  family,  thus 
enabling  him  to  bring  a  suit  in  the  Federal 
Court  against  those  who  drove  him  away  from 
his  home  and  property.  There  has  been  em 
ployed  one  of  the  strongest  firms  of  lawyers  in 
the  State,  to  prosecute  his  suit,  and  they  are 


90  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

more  than  sanguine  of  success.  The  case  has  been 
set  down  for  the  November  term  at  Galveston. 

"His  enemies  in  Fort  Bend  County  have  in 
dicted  him  on  several  counts  with  a  view  of 
forestalling  him  in  his  suit  against  them  here. 
This  move  is  understood  thoroughly  by  his  law 
yers  and  friends  here.  This,  in  my  judgment, 
will  be  one  of  the  most  remarkable  cases  in 
the  history  of  our  courts,  and  one  in  which 
every  manly  Negro  should  feel  a  deep  interest. 
You  know  that  a  prosecution  of  this  kind  can 
not  be  carried  on  without  money.  It  is  of  the 
highest  importance  to  a  successful  issue  that 
we  should  raise  a  few  hundred  dollars. 

"I  understand  that  he  is  a  high  official  in 
the  order  of  Odd  Fellows,  of  which  you  are  the 
head  in  the  State.  I  also  understand  that  the 
Order  is  in  a  flourishing  condition.  This  being 
the  case,  I  think  an  assessment  of  about  five 
dollars  per  lodge,  with  what  his  personal  and 
masonic  friends  will  raise,  will  give  us  a  fund 
amply  sufficient  for  all  purposes. 

"I  sincerely  hope  that  you  will  go  to  work 
at  once  in  this  matter  and  forward  your  collec 
tion  to  Mr.  Trowell  or  to  me,  as  you  see  fit. 
Let  me  hear  from  you  at  once  as  to  what  you 
can  do  or  will  do,  for  the  time  is  short  and 
this  money  must  be  raised." 

The  matter  was  taken  up  by  Mr.  Abner  and 
others,  and  on  Dec.  13th,  father  wrote  to  friends : 


FOET  BEND  91 

"C.  M.  Ferguson  arrived  here  on  Saturday  night. 
He  went  to  jail  Wednesday  afternoon,  sued  out 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  and  was  released  on 
$2700.  His  matters  are  in  good  shape  and  I 
do  not  think  there  is  any  doubt  as  to  a  judg 
ment  in  his  favor." 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Galveston,  Mr.  Fergu 
son  came  directly  to  our  home.  It  was  thought 
best  to  take  precautions  for  his  personal  safety, 
and  that  night  he  was  taken  to  the  home  of 
my  father's  brother,  Joseph.  Here  for  four 
days  he  remained  unseen  except  by  the  most 
intimate  friends.  On  December  eleventh,  he 
voluntarily  surrendered  himself  to  the  author 
ities. 

Under  the  Civil  Rights  Act,  the  United  States 
grand  jury  indicted  sixty-two  citizens  of  Fort 
Bend  County,  including  the  sheriff  and  county 
attorney,  for  forcing  the  colored  men  to  leave 
their  homes,  and  there  was  also  an  indictment 
by  the  same  jury  of  twenty-six  citizens  of  Rich 
mond,  charged  with  murder  growing  out  of 
the  Richmond  riot. 

Mr.  Ferguson's  suit  called  for  $55,000  dam 
ages.  The  trial  was  held  in  Galveston  County. 
The  result  was  that  the  cases  were  dismissed 
at  the  cost  of  the  defendants,  a  compromise 
having  been  effected  whereby  Ferguson  was 
awarded  $9,000  and  $1,000  was  received  by  Dr. 
Davis. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  "LILY  WHITES." 

"RiOTs"  and  "Race  wars"  such  as  had  dis 
graced  the  counties  of  Fort  Bend  and  Wharton 
and  deeply  injured  their  citizens,  were  traceable 
to  the  displeasure  of  the  ambitious  white  office 
seekers. 

Political  aspirants  within  the  Republican 
party  felt  that  the  Negro  was  taking  too  prom 
inent  a  part  in  the  affairs  of  government.  The 
State  convention  of  1884  had  demonstrated 
their  purpose  of  expelling  the  colored  American 
from  the  party,  if  possible,  and  now  the  mask 
was  completely  thrown  aside. 

The  first  step  was  to  overthrow  the  recog 
nized  leader,  Cuney,  and  strip  him  of  his  power 
and  influence.  The  fight  in  favor  of  southern 
prejudice  could  not  be  won  as  long  as  a  Negro 
with  his  following  of  black  voters  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  party  in  Texas. 

The  building  up  of  a  white  man's  Republican 

party  in  the  South  was  however  impossible.   The 

Negroes  of  the  South  could  not  be  wrongfully 

used   without   offending   their   brothers   in   the 

92 


TEE  "LILY  WHITES"  93 

North,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  Negro  vote, 
Ohio,  Illinois,  Indiana  and  perhaps  New  York 
would  have  been  overwhelmingly  Democratic. 

However,  in  1888,  the  struggle  was  begun 
by  the  organization  of  "white  Republican  clubs," 
for  the  purpose  of  controlling  the  county  con 
ventions  that  they  might  elect  their  delegates 
for  the  State  conventions.  Father  sarcastically 
referred  to  the  instigators  of  a  "white  Repub 
lican  party"  as  the  "Lily  Republicans"  and  the 
"Lily  Whites." 

In  the  Chicago  Inter  Ocean,  Mr.  Albion  Tour- 
gee  wrote:  "The  Colored  Republican  party  of 
Texas  have  manifested  an  aptitude  for  political 
warfare  which  goes  far  to  disprove  the  allega 
tion  of  inferiority,  by  dubbing  the  so-called 
white  Republicans  who  recently  met,  'Lily 
White/  The  name  is  a  good  one  and  all  the 
more  stirringly  appropriate,  for  as  everybody 
knows,  that  faction  thus  arrogating  to  itself 
purity,  capacity  and  patriotism,  is  organized  for 
plunder,  under  the  leadership  of  one  whose  open 
debasement  of  Republican  principles  has  be 
come  National.  The  pure-minded  patriot  of 
'Flanigan's  Mills'  is  a  fit  standard  bearer  for 
the  'Lily  Republicans'  who  wish  to  cut  the  party 
loose  from  the  Negro  in  order  that  they  may 
control  whatever  plums  of  Federal  patronage 
and  representative  power  may  fall  to  the  party 
organization  of  the  Lone  Star  State." 


94  NORRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

At  the  Galveston  County  Convention  of  April 
3d,  which  was  held  in  pursuance  of  a  call  of 
the  Chairman  of  the  County  Republican  Ex 
ecutive  Committee,  for  the  purpose  of  selecting 
delegates  to  the  State  Republican  Convention 
which  was  to  meet  at  Fort  "Worth  in  September, 
father,  who  had  been  selected  as  a  delegate,  was 
called  upon  to  address  the  meeting.  He  spoke 
with  no  bridled  tongue  of  the  political  out 
rages  in  Arkansas  and  Fort  Bend  County,  Texas, 
and  further  stated  that  he  recognized  the  fight 
was  on  to  overthrow  the  Negro  Republicans  in 
the  State,  and  characterized  the  promoters  of  the 
warfare  as  thieves  and  pickpockets.  He  asked 
no  quarter  in  the  coming  struggle  and  would 
give  none. 

The  White  Republicans,  angered,  attempted 
to  influence  the  colored  delegates  to  split  on  the 
color  question.  It  was  their  object  to  create 
a  factional  fight  among  the  colored  men,  so  that 
they  would  be  free  from  blame.  Their  main 
fight  was  centered  on  the  chairmanship  of  the 
convention,  placing  Louis  Johnson  against  Ed. 
Davis,  who  was  proposed  by  the  Cuneyites  for 
the  position.  The  Cuney  element  won,  and  the 
delegation  was  equally  divided  among  the  white 
and  colored. 

In  a  report  of  the  proceedings,  especial  stress 
was  laid  upon  father's  denunciation  of  the  riot 
ers  in  the  State.  A  prominent  Galveston  citi- 


THE  "LILY  WHITES"  95 

zen,  J.  B.  Stubbs,  writing  an  open  letter  to  the 
Galveston  News,  said:  "It  is  just  such  inflam 
matory  speeches  as  that  delivered  by  Mr.  Cuney 
last  night  that  incites  Negroes  when  in  the 
majority  to  domineer  over  their  white  neigh 
bors  until  the  latter  rise  to  either  precipitate 
bloodshed  or  force  them  to  leave.  ...  I  am 
surprised  at  Mr.  Cuney.  He  is  a  man  of  intelli 
gence  and  has  been  the  recipient  of  many  hon 
ors  at  the  hands  of  the  people  of  this  city ;  yet 
one  would  think  from  his  speech  that  Negroes 
were  not  safe  in  Texas." 

A  San  Antonio  daily  was  of  the  opinion: 
"While  Mr.  Cuney  might  be  termed  a  rabid 
partisan,  few  who  know  him  will  question 
that  his  utterances  come  from  the  heart — that 
he  voiced  his  earnest  conviction." 

The  State  Convention  was  held  at  Fort  Worth 
on  September  19th.  Terribly  in  earnest,  the 
men  assembled  on  the  question  of  nomination 
or  no  nomination  for  the  coming  gubernatorial 
contest.  But  the  question  was  something  more 
than  party  success  in  the  coming  election ;  there 
were  the  well  laid  schemes  to  draw  the  color 
line,  by  a  number  of  white  Eepublicans,  which 
the  colored  voters  were  determined  to  defeat. 
On  the  scene  were  Rosenthal,  Newcomb,  Spauld- 
ing  and  dozens  of  white  Republicans  from  North 
and  South  Texas,  who  came  to  fight  for  the 
nomination  of  a  State  ticket,  claiming  that  failure 


96  NOBKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

to  do  so  would  be  an  intimation  that  the  Repub 
licans  were  afraid  to  place  a  State  ticket  in 
the  field — and  announcement  that  property  and 
life  were  unsafe  in  Texas  and  that  the  laws  did 
not  protect  either. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  "no-nominating"  ele 
ment  gave  strong  and  cogent  reasons  for  their 
position.  They  claimed  that  many  Republicans 
who  before  voted  for  Elaine  were  with  the 
Union  Labor  people.  The  election  of  the  Repub 
lican  State  ticket  being  impossible,  they  would 
be  free  to  trade  with  the  Martin  men  and  thus 
secure  for  Harrison  a  greater  strength  than 
Elaine  had  in  1884.  They  did  not  state  that  there 
was  physical  danger  in  nominating  a  ticket,  but 
declared  that  the  failure  to  do  so  was  best  for 
the  Republican  party  as  a  National  party. 

Malloy,  Cochran,  Millet,  McCormack  and 
Cuney  led  the  anti-ticket  men ;  De  Gress,  New- 
comb,  Rosenthal  and  perhaps  a  majority  of  the 
white  delegates  were  ranged  on  the  side  of  De 
Gress,  who  called  the  Convention  to  order  Sep 
tember  20th. 

In  his  address  to  the  Convention,  placing  John 
T.  Brady  of  Harris  County  in  nomination  for 
temporary  chairman,  father  mentioned  inter 
views  and  opinions  given  by  certain  members 
of  the  Convention.  If  quoted  aright,  they  had 
come  there  to  draw  the  color  line.  They  meant 
to  put  him  in  the  attitude  of  one  who  would 


TEE  "LILY  WHITES"  97 

for  political  purposes,  misrepresent  his  home — 
the  State  of  Texas. 

The  effect  of  his  speech  was  to  anticipate 
the  issue  and  there  was  much  confusion.  Major 
De  Gress  abandoned  the  chair  to  Robinson  and 
took  the  floor  to  make  personal  explanation.  He 
said  the  representative  of  the  St.  Louis  Globe 
Democrat  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  the 
troubles  in  Fort  Bend  County,  and  that  he  re 
plied  that  he  knew  nothing  of  them,  but  was 
not  surprised  as  he  had  been  told  that  trouble 
was  expected. 

Rosenthal  rose  to  explain  that  he  was  not 
drawing  the  color  line,  but  repeated  on  the  floor 
of  the  Convention  what  he  had  said  on  the 
outside,  that  life  and  property  were  safe  in 
Texas.  He  had  stated  this  to  Northern  capital 
ists  and  was  not  prepared  to  stand  before  them 
now  and  say  he  was  guilty  of  falsehood. 

When  Lock  McDaniel  remarked:  "In  Grimes 
County  every  man  was  as  free  from  danger  and 
intimidation  as  at  any  place  on  God's  earth," 
J.  M.  Snider  of  Travis  asked :  "Why  then  were 
the  Sheriff  and  Deputy  Sheriff  of  that  county 
assassinated  ?"  For  the  moment  yells  prevented 
McDaniel  from  answering. 

James  P.  Newcomb  stated  that  he  was  one 
of  the  men  reported  as  having  been  interviewed 
and  charged  Cuney  himself  with  drawing  the 
color  line.  He  said  that  he  deprecated  the  draw- 


98  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

ing  of  it,  but  if  it  was  drawn,  it  was  drawn 
forever. 

Thus  the  controversy  waged  until  father  took 
the  floor.  The  scene  was  thus  reported:  "As 
N.  W.  Cuney  took  the  floor  a  heavy  rain  came 
up,  the  lightning  flashed  and  thunder  rolled. 
Something  was  expected  from  Cuney  and  the 
situation  was  strained.  Cuney  could  not,  at 
first,  be  heard  on  the  platform,  but  his  manner 
and  the  elements  for  the  first  time  during  the 
Convention  secured  a  silence  that  was  almost 
oppressive  after  the  jamboree  that  had  lasted 
for  hours. 

"He  walked  up  and  down  the  aisle.  His  step 
is  smooth  and  cat-like,  his  voice  is  soft  and 
melodious  and  then  again  stern  and  harsh.  His 
gestures  are  graceful  and  his  language  far 
above  the  average,  but  his  power  is  in  the  fact 
that  he  feels  his  strength.  He  knows  it.  His 
speech  was  at  first  an  explanation  of  his  posi 
tion.  It  was  simply  that  he  was  a  Republican 
and  a  Texan.  He  dared  to  point  out  where  the 
Democrats  had  dealt  unjustly  by  his  race,  but 
in  doing  it  he  did  not  assail  his  mother  State. 
No  man  could  teach  him.  He  had  held  offices 
of  trust  and  emolument.  He  called  on  good 
men,  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans,  to  say 
whether  or  not  he  had  been  a  clean  servant. 
He  had  been  charged  by  the  Democratic  press 


THE  "LILY  WHITES"  99 

with  being  a  leader  of  a  faction.  This  was 
false. 

"He  knew  no  color  in  Republicanism,  but 
fought  for  it  without  scrutinizing  the  complexion 
of  the  men  who  stood  beside  him  in  the  ranks. 
After  he  was  done  with  this  line,  he  lectured 
the  element  of  the  party  that  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  present  state  of  affairs.  He  had  taken 
the  stand  by  this  time.  He  walked  before  the  foot 
lights.  He  spoke  kindly — he  spoke  severely. 
He  pleaded  for  harmony — he  scowled  and  shook 
his  finger.  It  was  a  sight  worth  seeing.  He 
trod  the  boards  like  a  Booth.  He  was  the  actor 
with  his  part  well  in  hand,  the  master  spirit  that 
knows  that  what  he  says  is  treasured  and  not 
to  be  soon  forgotten  ...  it  was  a  climax,  so 
delivered  that  his  followers  took  fire  and  he 
swept  all  before  him  from  that  time  on." 

When  the  vote  was  taken  for  temporary 
chairman  father's  candidate,  Grady,  was  elected. 
J.  E.  Wiley  of  Dallas  was  elected  Secretary  and 
William  Edgar  Easton  of  Travis,  assistant  Sec 
retary.  After  an  excited  controversy,  the  "no- 
ticket"  men  won,  and  after  a  lengthy  and  heated 
debate,  the  report  of  the  committee  on  platform 
and  resolutions  was  adopted.  The  resolutions 
ratifying  the  nomination  of  Harrison  and  Mor 
ton  demanded  such  national  legislation  as  would 
give  adequate  protection  to  wool,  hide  and 
other  Texas  products  and  industries,  and  de- 


100  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

nounced  the  Fort  Bend  and  Washington  County 
outrages. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention 
there  was  a  caucus  held  by  those  who  were 
indignant  at  the  alleged  arbitrary  actions  of 
the  chairman.  But  wise  counsel  prevailed  and, 
though  the  indignation  remained,  the  caucus 
voted  down  every  motion  for  the  publication  of 
a  protest,  or  the  encouragement  of  anything 
like  rebellion  from  the  action  of  the  Convention. 

Thus  the  first  attempt  to  draw  the  color  line 
in  the  Republican  party  in  Texas  was  defeated, 
but  it  called  forth  bitter  criticism.  An  article 
which  appeared  in  the  daily  press  under  the 
caption  "The  State's  Traducers"  scored  the 
victorious  "no-party"  element  in  the  Convention. 
Part  of  it  follows:  "Such  open  bulldozing  has 
never  been  seen  in  Convention  in  Texas.  The 
resolutions  denouncing  the  Fort  Bend  and 
Washington  County  troubles  were  drawn  with 
all  the  skill  and  cunning  of  a  Macchiavelli. 
They  were  not,  by  themselves,  an  arraignment 
of  either  party,  but  their  framers  well  knew 
that  the  State's  enemies  at  the  North  would 
seize  upon  them  with  the  stories  of  fraud  and 
force  already  published,  and  with  the  refusal 
to  nominate  a  ticket,  thus  weave  them  into  a 
reign  of  terror  in  Texas,  in  which  the  life  of 
a  Republican  was  always  in  danger  and  the 
ballot  in  the  hands  of  a  Negro  a  mere  farce. 


THE  "LILY  WHITES"  101 

"Of  course  it  is  asking  a  good  deal  of  a 
man  who  has  maintained  his  self-respect  to 
mix  with  such  people  as  were  the  controlling 
spirits  in  the  recent  Eepublican  gathering  in 
Fort  Worth.  An  aspirant  for  congressional 
honor  allowed  himself  to  be  made  a  puppet  in 
the  hands  of  Wright  Cuney,  a  man  with  intelli 
gence  enough  to  lay  his  plans,  but  too  much  re 
gard  for  his  own  dignity  to  carry  them  out. 
.  .  .  Let  this  band  who  furnished  the  enemies 
of  Texas  with  grounds  for  their  calumnies  be 
held  up  to  the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  people 
throughout  the  Union,  until  their  names  shall 
become  a  hissing  and  reproach  in  the  mouths 
of  honest  men — let  them  be  denounced  from 
every  newspaper  and  pilloried  in  every  county 
in  the  State." 

During  the  campaign,  one  of  the  most  bitter 
appeals  made  to  prejudice,  was  that  of  Hon.  A. 
W.  Terrell  at  a  large  Democratic  rally  held 
November  4, 1889.  After  an  exposition  of  Demo 
cratic  doctrines  and  the  canvass  for  deep  water 
in  the  Galveston  harbor,  he  said :  "What  assur 
ance  have  you  that  our  Democratic  senators 
and  congressmen  from  Texas  might  not  inspire 
your  engineers  to  hunt  for  deep  water  elsewhere 
when  you  have  rebuked  them  by  injecting 
Brewster  with  Cuney  into  their  counsels?  With 
Brewster  in  Congress  elevated  on  a  platform 
made  of  the  mixed  wool  of  the  merino  and  the 


102  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

African,  with  Cuney  as  Postmaster  and  some 
other  saddle-colored  political  saint  in  the  Custom 
House,  I  say  if  those  things  are  to  be  the  re 
ward  for  Grain's  fidelity  to  his  whole  district, 
it  would  be  a  just  retribution  to  see  your  Demo 
cratic  congressman  whispering  into  the  ears  of 
the  engineers  to  search  cautiously  for  deep 
water  elsewhere.  .  .  .  And  who  is  Cuney  ?  Once 
respected  as  an  intelligent  mulatto,  he  forfeited 
your  respect  when  he  charged  that  the  good 
people  of  Washington  and  Fort  Bend  Counties 
would  not  permit  a  free  ballot  to  Negroes.  The 
slander  of  our  people  in  this  crisis  of  their 
fate  should  consign  him  to  infamy. — The  fore 
most  man  of  all  the  world  is  the  Anglo-Saxon 
American  white  man.  By  the  ties  of  a  common 
blood,  higher  than  party  and  party  policies,  I 
appeal  to  you  to  quit  the  ranks  of  the  black 
cohorts,  who,  by  their  race  hatred  and  ingrati 
tude,  now  jeopardize  social  order  and  property 
rights.  Their  depraved  leaders  have  magnified 
every  individual  wrong  done  to  a  Negro,  into  a 
sectional  grievance  and  cause  our  people  to  be 
misunderstood  and  hated  throughout  the  North. 
Cuney  has  been  petted  too  long  by  the  Gal- 
veston  people.  When  he  charged  that  martial 
law  was  desirable  to  the  present  condition  of 
affairs,  and  prated  upon  the  insecurity  of  the 
colored  people  in  certain  sections  of  this  State, 
it  was  simply  a  bait  thrown  out  to  Northern 


THE  "LILY  WHITES"  103 

Republicans  for  bloody  shirt  purposes.  It  was 
a  pretty  picture,  this  African  leader  pulling  the 
white  Republicans  of  the  State  around  by  the 
nose,  leading  them  off  after  Marion  Martin  and 
the  new-fangled  Labor  Union  party,  while  he 
went  about  slandering  the  people  of  Texas." 

The  whites  were  particularly  incensed  with 
father  over  an  interview  published  in  the  Wash 
ington  (D.  C.)  Post,  in  reference  to  southern 
governors  attempting  to  prevent  the  Sullivan- 
Kilrain  fight,  which  had  been  held  some  months 
before.  Father  had  said: 

"These  southern  governors  are  making 
laughing  stocks  of  themselves  by  their  proclama 
tions.  When  there  are  race  riots  or  political 
outbreaks,  they  claim  to  be  unable  to  act  unless 
the  sheriffs  of  the  counties  where  the  trouble 
lies  ask  for  aid;  but  because  a  couple  of  prize 
fighters  threaten  to  break  the  peace  by  punch 
ing  each  other  for  a  couple  of  hours,  the  govern 
ors  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Arkansas  and 
Texas  issued  proclamations  forbidding  the  fight 
and  ordering  the  arrest  of  the  fighters.  They 
did  not  wait  for  any  appeal  from  sheriffs,  but 
went  ahead. 

"Governor  Ross  of  Texas,  had  beter  look  at 
home.  Over  in  Fort  Bend  County,  adjoining 
Galveston,  a  lot  of  young  Democratic  hot-heads 
have  formed  an  organization  known  as  May- 
birds.'  There  are  about  3000  colored  and  200 


104  NOEEIS  WRIGHT  CUNET 

whites  in  the  County  and  a  mixed  ticket  is 
usually  elected  with  a  Democratic  sheriff  at  the 
head.  Last  Fall  there  were  but  two  tickets, 
the  Cleveland  and  Thurman,  which  was  the  con 
servative  ticket,  and  the  'Jaybirds/  the  former 
winning. 

"The  'Jaybirds'  were  incensed  and  disposed 
to  make  trouble.  One  Gibson,  who  was  the  de 
feated  candidate  for  assessor,  tried  to  pick 
a  quarrel  with  Kyle  Terry,  the  successful  candi 
date,  and  two  shots  were  exchanged  in  a  street 
encounter. 

"Young  Terry  is  a  nephew  of  Judge  Terry  of 
California,  who  killed  Broderick  years  ago,  and 
who  recently  served  six  months'  imprisonment 
for  contempt  of  court.  A  week  or  so  ago, 
Terry  was  over  at  Wharton,  the  .county  seat  of 
"Wharton  County.  Gibson  was  there  also,  and 
had  been  threatening  Terry.  The  latter,  on  see 
ing  his  enemy  approaching,  nearly  blew  Gib 
son's  head  off  with  a  double  barrelled  shot  gun. 

"It  would  be  a  good  plan  for  Governor  Ross 
to  turn  his  attention  to  domestic  affairs." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

COLLECTOR  OF  THE  PORT  OF  GALVESTON. 

FOLLOWING  the  national  election,  in  which  the 
country  was  carried  handsomely  by  the  Repub 
licans,  father  wrote  to  Mr.  Hackworth  at  Topeka, 
Kansas:  "I  most  heartily  concur  with  you  in 
what  you  say  as  to  the  character  of  some  of 
our  Texas  Republicans  who  have  held  and  will 
attempt  to  hold  again  the  places  of  honor  and 
profit  in  Texas,  and  think  they  should  not  again 
be  trusted  with  high  places.  I  refer,  of  course, 
to  those  who  were  so  solicitous  about  the  good 
name  of  Texas  when  some  few  of  us  dared  to  de 
nounce  the  outrages  of  Washington  and  Fort 
Bend  Counties. 

"The  Old  Party  is  again  in  power  and  I  hope 
it  will  do  what  it  can  to  protect  its  friends 
in  the  enjoyment  of  their  political  rights  in  the 
South,  and  thereby  make  it  impossible  for  the 
oligarchy  which  has  so  long  ruled  the  South 
by  murder  and  fraud,  to  continue  to  do  so. 
"We  shall  thereby  be  enabled  to  bring  this  govern 
ment  back  to  where  it  shall  be  ruled  by  the 
many  and  not  the  few." 
105 


106  NO  KRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

After  the  inauguration  of  President  Har 
rison,  a  new  era  of  naval  construction  was  be 
gun,  and  increasing  outlays  were  made  for  im 
provement  of  rivers  and  harbors — the  latter  of 
direct  importance  to  the  deep-water  interests  of 
Galveston.  A  new  building  for  Post  Office  and 
Custom  House  at  Galveston  was  constructed, 
and  father  was  destined  to  be  the  first  Collector 
to  occupy  it. 

There  was  great  pressure  brought  upon  father 
for  patronage  in  Texas.  He  found  it  necessary 
to  reply  to  one  letter,  in  part:  "I  do  not  wish 
to  be  harsh  in  reply  to  your  proposition  to  pay 
me  for  my  influence  in  securing  you  the  posi 
tion,  as  you,  doubtless,  like  many  others  in 
private  life,  take  it  for  granted  that  all  pub 
lic  men  demand  or  expect  pay  from  those  whom 
they  endorse  for  public  office. 

"I  simply  desire  to  say  it  is  not  a  fact.  My 
position  in  the  Republican  organization  in  Texas 
is  of  an  official  nature  and  as  a  partisan  it  is 
my  duty  to  support  those,  for  official  place, 
of  my  party  faith  who  are  the  best  fitted  to  dis 
charge  the  duties  of  the  offices  to  which  they 
are  appointed,  and  it  was  solely  upon  this 
ground  that  I  recommended  Mr.  N for  ap 
pointment." 

At  Houston,  George  A.  Race  was  appointed 
Postmaster  in  preference  to  the  candidates  of 
the  anti-Cuneyites.  Of  Race's  appointment,  it 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     107 

was  said :  "It  is  an  additional  evidence  that  the 
white  leaguers  in  Texas  are  getting  badly  left. 
The  defeat  of  Strong,  Hopkins  and  Ham,  shows 
that  the  movement  to  form  an  exclusively  white 
man's  Republican  party  was  doomed  to  an  early 
death  in  Texas." 

In  July,  the  new  postmaster  for  Dallas,  John 
S.  Witiver,  was  selected.  July  9th  saw  the  ap 
pointment,  too,  of  Mrs.  Belle  Burchill  to  the 
Postmastership  of  the  city  of  Fort  Worth.  Mrs. 
Burchill  was  a  good  friend  of  father's  and  a 
woman  of  political  sagacity. 

When  father  was  asked  to  throw  his  influence 
toward  a  certain  candidate  for  the  Post  Office 
at  Abilene,  Texas,  in  opposition  to  the  incum 
bent,  Mrs.  Morrow,  he  replied :  "The  lady  who  is 
Postmaster  there  is  the  daughter  of  a  man 
whose  services  in  behalf  of  Texas  are  historical 
and  not  only  will  I  refuse  to  aid  anyone  to 
supersede  the  daughter  of  General  Sam  Houston, 
but  I  will  file  a  protest  with  the  Department 
against  her  removal." 

His  action  met  with  the  .commendation  of 
all  Texans.  The  press  noted:  "The  attempt 
of  Col.  De  Gress  to  secure  the  removal  of  the 
widowed  daughter  of  Gen.  Sam  Houston  from 
the  Post  Office  at  Abilene  has  given  Cuney 
another  chance  to  demonstrate  his  superiority. 
Cuney's  plea  for  the  retention  of  Mrs.  Mor 
row  shows  that  in  spite  of  his  Republicanism, 


108  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

he  has  the  feeling  of  a  Texan  and  a  Texan's 
pride  in  the  glorious  history  of  his  State/' 

Father's  appointment  to  the  position  of  Col- 
lecter  of  Customs  for  the  port  of  Galveston  was 
urged  by  leading  business  men  as  well  as  politi 
cians,  and  as  early  as  April,  he  announced  his 
intention  of  applying  for  the  position.  Peti 
tions  were  also  circulated  for  the  appointment 
of  Gen.  Malloy. 

In  opposition  to  father's  candidacy,  a  Lily 
White  organization,  the  Central  Republican 
Club  of  Houston,  had  a  mass  meeting  and  ad 
dressed  resolutions  to  the  President,  which 
brought  forth  the  following  comment  from  the 
Houston  Post:  "The  Republican  State  boss, 
Mr.  Cuney,  is  not  going  to  retain  his  position 
without  fighting  for  it,  if  there  be  any  virtue 
in  organized  opposition.  The  Republicans  are 
preparing  to  openly  and  vigorously  wage  war 
011  the  colored  chief,  and  endeavor  to  place 
Republican  politics  in  Texas  on  a  higher  plane. 
Cuney  has  ridden  a  very  high  horse  among  his 
Republican  brethren.  He  has  been  running  a 
kind  of  Tammany  side-show  all  to  himself  down 
here  and  in  the  language  of  this  remonstrance, 
has  'got  people  scared  of  him'  or  words  to  that 
effect.  These  gentlemen  who  are  representing 
the  white  wing  of  the  party  want  to  call  a 
halt." 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  some  of  the  most 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     109 

serious  attempts  to  "call  a  halt"  to  father's  ap 
pointment,  came  from  Northern  Republicans 
who  held  that  it  would  be  bad  policy  to  ap 
point  a  Negro  to  such  an  office  as  the  Collector- 
ship  of  the  Galveston  port,  and  that  it  would 
have  a  tendency  to  irritate  the  people. 

In  December,  previous,  father  had  been  in 
New  York  City  on  business — a  visit  that  was 
noted  by  the  New  York  Evening  Telegram: 
"A  finely  built  copper-hued  man  was  being  in 
troduced  to  the  leading  men  about  the  Fifth 
Avenue  Hotel  last  night  by  Col.  Thomas  Ochil- 
tree ;  the  man  was  N.  Wright  Cuney,  the  leader 
of  the  Republican  party  in  Texas  and  the  mem 
ber  of  the  National  Committee  from  that  State." 

Later  on,  in  the  early  summer,  another  visit 
to  New  York,  of  political  importance,  was  con 
templated,  and  Col.  Ochiltree  had  thought  it 
wise  to  send  the  following  telegram  to  the  New 
York  Star:  "Washington,  D.  C.,  May  18— If 
N.  W.  Cuney  comes  to  New  York,  keep  mum. 
Will  explain." 

How  well  the  injunction  was  obeyed,  this 
clipping  from  the  Star  will  show:  "Mr.  Ochil 
tree  is  an  ex-Texan  member  of  Congress.  Who 
Cuney  is  the  Star  does  not  know,  and  why  he 
should  come  to  New  York  at  all,  as  long  as  Col. 
Ochiltree  objects,  or  why  the  Star  should  not 
publish  the  news  in  its  list  of  distinguished 
arrivals,  it  is  still  further  at  a  loss  to  under- 


110  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

stand.  It  will  promise  in  advance,  however, 
if  Col.  Oehiltree's  explanation  is  reasonable  not 
to  say  another  word  on  the  subject.  But  why 
this  mysterious  secrecy?  "Why  should  Cuney 
come  to  New  York  if  Ochiltree  is  to  be  thus 
incommoded  and  required  to  explain?  Why 
is  Cuney,  anyhow?" 

The  press  was  further  disturbed :  "It  has  been 
a  severe  tax  on  the  brain  of  the  several  con 
tributors  to  this  article  to  decipher  what  is 
the  real  meaning  of  the  mysterious  dispatch  of 
Col.  Ochiltree  to  the  Star,  relative  to  the 
importance  of  not  white-washing  or  otherwise 
changing  the  color  of  Hon.  Wright  Cuney,  the 
colored  candidate  for  the  Collectorship  of  the 
port  of  Galveston.  All  the  facts  positively 
known  to  be  well  established  which  will  aid 
in  the  deciphering  of  the  dispatch  are : 

"1.  That  Prince  Ochiltree  dispenses  the  pat 
ronage  of  the  State  of  Texas. 

"2.  That  Wright  Cuney  is  a  sagacious  Repub 
lican  politician  of  Texas,  and  off  color. 

"3.  That  Col.  Ochiltree  desires  that  he  should 
be  'kept  dark'  by  the  Star  which  shines  for 
all,  even  in  the  dark,  and; 

"4.  That  said  Cuney  wants  to  be  Mr.  Elaine's 
Collector  of  the  port  of  Galveston,  provided 
there  is  no  Harrison  man-relative  in  the  State. 

"Do  these  point  to  any  solution  at  all?  They 
suggest  several  guesses, — Did  Col.  Ochiltree  em- 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     111 

ploy  the  mysterious  Cuneyiform  cryptographic 
dispatch  mingled  with  half  unintelligible  slang 
to  throw  the  Star  off  the  scent  of  his  purposes 
— was  it  his  intention  to  inflict  on  the  good 
Democratic  merchants  of  Galveston  a  Republican 
Collector  of  obnoxious  hue  without  their  knowl 
edge  by  asking  the  only  Democratic  paper  of 
New  York  to  keep  mum  as  to  his  dark  or  darky 
designs?  Or  was  it  the  real  purpose  of  Col. 
Ochiltree  to  keep  the  dark  gentleman,  Cooney 
or  Cuney,  as  the  case  may  be,  in  the  gloaming, 
not  to  say  Stygian  or  Egyptian  darkness,  while 
he  dispensed  the  patronage  of  the  port  of  Gal 
veston  through  hands  that  were  whiter,  though 
not  purer  f 

The  banter  continued :  "The  mystery  deepens 
as  to  the  precise  relations  of  Ochiltree,  the  Red 
Prince  Royal  of  the  Lone  Star  State,  and  Cuney, 
or  Cooney,  the  colored  candidate  for  the  Custom 
House  at  Galveston.  From  all  accounts,  Cooney 
or  Cuney  has  thrown  a  shadow  of  gloom 
around  the  White  House  at  Washington,  in 
which  his  chances  are  obscured;  while  Prince 
Ochiltree's  advent  in  the  Star  office  early  yes 
terday  afternoon  led  persons  looking  west 
through  Park  Place  into  the  error  of  suppos 
ing  that  his  red-topped  head  was  the  orb  of 
day  indulging  in  an  untimely  yet  golden 
sunset." 

Many   replies  were   sent  to   the   Star, — One 


112  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

read :  "When  Frank  Hatton  captured  the  Texas 
colored  delegation  to  the  Republican  Conven 
tion  of  1884,  for  Chester  A.  Arthur,  at  a  fixed 
commercial  value  of  $250  a  delegate,  it  was 
Wright  Cuney  who  lassoed  them  for  Elaine  by 
the  cheaper  methods  of  his  eloquence.  He  has 
been  for  years  past  the  leader  of  the  Texas 
Republicans,  as  Col.  Ochiltree  has  been  the  dis 
penser  of  Texas  patronage  and  of  Texas  hospi 
tality  at  the  Hoffman  House." 

Father  was  invited  with  the  other  members 
of  the  National  Committee  to  attend  the  inaugu 
ration  of  General  Harrison  as  President.  When 
father  left  Galveston  for  Washington,  which 
was  before  the  New  York  visit  in  the  summer, 
he  passed  through  Houston  and  was  met  at  the 
depot  by  a  committee  of  citizens.  His  presence 
was  immediately  noted  by  a  representative  of 
the  press:  "N.  W.  Cuney,  the  noted  Texas  col 
ored  politician,  arrived  in  Houston  last  night. 
Of  course  a  Post  reporter  paid  his  respects  to 
this  stalwart  pillar  of  the  Texas  Republican 
party.  Mr.  Cuney  is  pleasant  in  manner  and 
outspoken,  and  has,  more  than  once  in  contests 
with  white  rivals,  demonstrated  to  an  incon 
trovertible  degree,  his  shrewdness  as  a  poli 
tician.  4 

"He  leaves  on  the  midnight  train — he  is  going 
to  Washington  principally  in  his  own  behalf,  but 
also  in  accordance  with  an  understanding  ar- 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     113 

rived  at  during  the  recent  Austin  conference; 
that  Colonel  De  Gress  has  also  gone  and  he, 
Cuney,  would  meet  him  there.  'So  far/  he 
remarked,  'as  my  going  to  Washington  to  dic 
tate  appointments  or  dole  out  Federal  patronage 
is  concerned,  that  is  all  gammon.  Neither  my 
self  nor  any  other  man  will  be  able  to  do  that. 
General  Harrison  is  not  that  kind  of  a  man, 
will  not  be  that  kind  of  President,  and  you  will 
see  that  no  political  bosses,  as  the  term  is  gener 
ally  understood,  will  be  tolerated  by  his  admin 
istration.5 

"  'Good  men  will  be  selected  to  office,  the  best 
men  to  be  found,  in  fact,  and  each  applicant  will 
have  to  stand  on  his  own  merit.  I  think  General 
Harrison  will  apply  the  civil  service  principle 
even  more  rigidly  than  President  Cleveland,  and 
his  administration  will  prove  highly  patriotic.' '; 

"To  the  question:  'What  about  the  appoint 
ment  of  colored  men  to  office?'  Cuney  replied: 
'I  don't  think  there  will  be  any  color  line 
any  more  than  a  sectional  line.  I  think  Mr. 
Harrison  will  know  no  North,  South,  East  or 
West,  and  I  think  he  will  not  inquire  about  the 
particular  color  of  a  man's  skin,  so  long  as  he 
is  honest,  competent  and  worthy.  The  colored 
people  are  learning,  and  many  of  them  are  now 
able  to  hold  office — not  only  competent,  but  they 
have  proved  themselves  worthy.' '; 

"He  was  asked:  'What  are  your  chances,  do 


114  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

you  think,  for  the  Collectorship  at  Galveston 
and  what  endorsements  do  you  holdf 

"  'I  am  backed  by  the  honest  people  of  Gal 
veston/  he  said,  'without  any  regard  to  party. 
All  I  asked  was  a  testimonial  as  to  my  char 
acter  as  an  honest,  truthful  man  and  upright 
citizen,  and  that  I  received  from  the  very  best 
people  of  Galveston.  Those  people  know  me — I 
have  lived  there  all  my  life  and  they  have  had 
ample  opportunity  to  judge  me.  I  venture  to 
say  that  outside  of  politics  you  will  find  none 
to  condemn  me.? 

"Mr.  Cuney  left  last  night  for  Washington 
via  New  Orleans.  He  said  he  knew  of  no  opposi 
tion  to  himself,  but  this  is  a  mistake.  He  will 
have  very  strong  opposition.  It  is  going 
to  be  a  black  versus  Lily  White  fight.  The 
White  Republicans  are  going  to  down  Cuney  if 
they  can,  and  if  they  fail,  it  will  be  because  of 
Mr.  Elaine's  friendship  for  the  latter." 

The  Texarkana  (Texas)  Times  said:  "We 
hope  and  believe  that  the  merchants  and  busi 
ness  men  of  Galveston  will  at  last  enter  their 
protest  against  the  appointment  of  any  Negro 
for  Collector,  even  if  they  fail  to  recommend  a 
suitable  person.  We  have  made  these  remarks 
because  we  hear  that  the  business  men  are  paus 
ing  as  to  whether  Cuney  shall  be  their  choice. 
We  hope  they  will  not  pause  longer." 

The  Star  replied  to  the  above:    "Unlike  the 


COLLECTOR   OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     115 

Times,  the  Star  has  no  lecture  to  read  to  the 
Galveston  business  men  in  advance  of  any  ac 
tion  taken  by  them  on  the  subject.  "We  believe 
that  as  long  as  their  'blood  is  thicker  than 
water/  they  will  do  what  they  believe  to  be 
right  in  the  premises." 

On  the  17th  of  June,  the  St.  Louis  Republic 
gave  a  review  of  the  status  of  the  Collectorship 
case:  "Since  the  withdrawal  of  De  Gress'  ap 
plication  for  the  Collectorship  of  El  Paso,  Texas, 
the  Texas  patriots  have  been  in  a  high  state 
of  excitement. 

"They  construe  De  Gress'  action  to  mean  war 
to  the  knife.  Now  that  De  Gress  has  no  irons 
of  his  own  in  the  fire,  it  is  generally  expected 
that  he  will  take  occasion  to  oppose  Cuney  and 
in  a  general  way,  Cuney's  friends.  It  is  be 
lieved  that  Cuney  is  acting  under  the  advice  of 
Newcomb  ( ? ) ,  and  it  is  well  known  that  New- 
comb  and  Cuney  have  no  friendship  to  waste 
on  each  other. 

"Newcomb  favors  a  white  man's  Republican 
party  in  Texas,  and  the  exclusion  of  Negroes 
from  places  of  power ;  it  is  probable  that  he  has 
coaxed  De  Gress  to  fall  in  with  them.  .  .  Rus 
sell  Harrison  is  taking  a  hand  in  the  fight  in 
behalf  of  Hedges,  and  so  is  Chairman  Huston 
of  the  Indiana  State  Republican  Committee, 
Mark  Hanna  and  Charley  Foster  of  Ohio,  At 
torney-General  Michener  of  Indiana  and  the 


116  NOEKIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

politicians  of  influence.  R.  F.  Pancoast  of  Gal- 
veston  is  also  an  applicant  for  the  Collectorship. 
He  is  an  ex-commander  of  Hancock  Post,  G. 
A.  B. 

"It  is  thought  that  Cuney  would  prefer  Pan- 
coast  to  Hedges,  but  Cuney  will  not  give  up 
himself  until  Collector  Sweeney's  successor  is 
appointed.  He  will  not  compromise  with  any 
body  or  for  anything  else." 

This  much  is  true,  for  it  had  been  intimated 
to  father  that  he  could  have  the  position  of 
Recorder  of  Deeds,  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  with 
out  opposition,  as  it  had  long  been  a  place 
slated  for  representative  colored  politicians. 
But  because  of  this  very  fact,  and  also  for  the 
reason  that  it  would  take  him  away  from  his 
own  State  where  he  felt  he  could  be  of  greater 
service  to  his  people,  he  refused  to  consider 
any  other  position  except  that  of  the  Collector- 
ship  of  the  Galveston  port. 

The  St.  Louis  Republic  declared:  "Cuney  is 
insisting  on  being  given  the  Collectorship  at 
Galveston.  He  has  got  a  "great  lot  of  endorse 
ments  from  Galveston  business  men  attached  to 
his  petition,  but  there  are  hints  that  the  ad 
ministration  would  prefer  a  white  man  for  the 
place.  Elaine,  who  is  a  man  of  infinite  tact, 
knows  that  it  would  not  popularize  the  admin 
istration,  to  have  a  Negro  in  the  chief  Federal 
office  in  Texas,  and  while  friendly  to  Cuney, 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     117 

he  is  advising  him  to  seek  something  else. 
Cuney,  however,  is  stubborn.  He  is  a  'civil 
rights'  Nigger.  He  is  looking  for  social  recogni 
tion  and  he  thinks  by  being  in  a  position  to  hold 
a  whip  hand  over  the  business  men  of  Gal- 
veston — for  that  matter  over  a  great  part  of 
Texas — that  he  will  be  able  to  wipe  out,  in  his 
case  at  least,  the  color  line.  Besides,  Cuney  is 
a  business  man.  Cuney  is  a  boss  longshoreman. 
He  employs  300  or  400  men  in  Galveston  and 
practically  has  control  of  the  labor  on  the 
wharves.  But  Cuney  is  not  only  demanding 
the  Collectorship  of  the  port  for  himself,  he  is 
demanding  the  appointment  of  people  indorsed 
by  him,  for  the  other  Federal  offices  of  the 
State." 

The  citizens  of  Galveston  were  finally  angered 
at  being  so  severely  criticised  for  desiring 
father  for  Collector.  The  Galveston  Evening 
Tribune  read:  "In  a  recent  issue  of  the  St. 
Louis  Republic  Mr.  O'Brien  Moore  attempts  to 
draw  pen  pictures  of  a  few  prominent  Repub 
licans.  Evidently  the  subjects  of  his  sketches 
were  not  present  and  he  drew  the  portraits  from 
a  treacherous  and  distorted  memory.  He  patron 
izingly  admits  that  Cuney  is  a  'smart,  industri 
ous  fellow.'  He  says  that  Cuney  is  well  off.  In 
this  he  is  wrong.  Cuney  is  comparatively  a 
poor  man,  yet  he  has  never  slunk  away  from 
a  city  leaving  a  long  list  of  unpaid  bills — he 


118  XOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

has  never  borrowed  money  of  his  friends  and 
forgotten  to  repay  it — induced  them  to  indorse 
him  and  left  them  the  bag  to  hold! 

"He  says  that  if  Blaine  becomes  a  member  of 
Harrison's  cabinet,  Cuney  will  be  made  Collector 
of  the  port  of  Galveston,  which  will  be  highly 
displeasing  to  the  white  business  men  of  Gal- 
veston,  of  both  parties.  It  is  hardly  likely  that 
Mr.  O'Brien  Moore  has  found  time  in  the  'hurly 
burly'  of  'keeping  moving'  and  drawing  'pen 
pictures'  to  worm  his  way  into  the  confidence 
of  Blaine  or  Harrison,  but  admitting  that  his 
guesses  be  correct,  why  should  the  business 
men  of  Galveston  kick?  Mr.  Cuney  served 
the  city  several  times  as  Alderman,  and  is  now 
an  honored  member  of  the  board  of  Water  Com 
missioners.  If  there  was  no  objection  to  his 
making  laws  for  the  government  of  the  white 
business  men  of  Galveston,  why  should  there 
be  objection  to  his  collecting  Uncle  Sam's  dues 
at  this  port?" 

A  Washington  special  to  the  Galveston  News 
gave  this  warning:  "If  the  administration  is 
really  anti-African,  it  has  been  suggested  that 
the  failure  to  give  the  Galveston  Collectorship 
to  Cuney  would  be  an  exceeding  explicit  way 
of  showing  its  hand.  As  yet  nobody  believes 
that  this  will  happen,  for  it  is  claimed  that  to 
turn  down  Cuney  would  be  disastrous  to  the 
party  outside  the  limits  of  Texas.  It  has 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     119 

reached  a  point  where  there  is  vastly  more  in 
it  than  the  fortune  of  an  individual." 

Because  of  the  strong  opposition  aroused 
solely  on  account  of  color,  the  Collectorship 
candidacy  became  one  of  national  interest.  It 
was  admitted  that  no  candidate  bore  higher 
endorsements  than  the  colored  applicant  for  the 
position.  They  were  from  leading  citizens  of 
Galveston  and  the  State  at  large — business  men, 
bankers,  and  capitalists — Democrats  as  well  as 
Republicans. 

It  was  expected  by  all  the  members  of  the 
National  Committee  that  this  appointment  would 
be  among  those  made  at  least  by  May.  Yet  it 
was  constantly  delayed  at  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment,  although  all  of  the  leading  officials  of 
the  National  Committee  had  seen  the  President 
and  found  him  willing  to  make  the  appoint 
ment. 

Time  dragged  along  without  action.  Friends 
advised  father  to  remain  in  Washington  until 
the  appointment  should  be  made,  but  with  his 
active  spirit,  this  was  a  difficult  task.  One 
afternoon  in  July  he  went  to  see  his  friend 
Gen.  Clarkson  at  his  office  in  the  Post  Office 
Department  and  told  him  that  he  would  wait 
no  longer.  He  asked  him  to  go  and  see  the 
President  with  him  and  get  a  final  answer  one 
way  or  the  other.  He  was  invited  by  Gen. 
Clarkson  to  breakfast  with  him  the  next  morn- 


120  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

ing,  after  which  they  would  go  to  the  White 
House. 

Upon  their  arrival  at  the  White  House  the 
following  morning  they  were  told  that  the  Presi 
dent  was  engaged  with  Mr.  Windom,  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  signing  appointments  for  that 
Department.  Gen.  Clarkson  sent  in  a  special 
request  to  see  the  President  and  was  ushered 
into  the  office  where  Secretary  Windom  and 
the  President  were  engaged.  The  appointment 
that  was  passed  at  that  particular  moment,  was 
for  the  Collectorship  at  Galveston,  and  the 
President  was  signing  it  as  Gen.  Clarkson  en 
tered.  He  held  it  out  to  him  and  said:  "That 
is  right,  is  it  not  and  as  was  finally  decided  upon, 
isn't  it?"  Gen.  Clarkson  replied:  "No,  Mr. 
President,  that  is  not  the  right  name.  In  con 
ferences  some  of  us  had  with  you,  with  some 
people  from  Texas  with  us,  you  decided  to  ap 
point  Mr.  Wright  Cuney  to  this  place." 

The  President  rose  from  his  chair,  and  walked 
over  to  the  window,  carrying  the  appointment 
with  him,  and  said:  "I  remember  now,  but  the 
Department  has  for  some  time  been  advising 
differently  and  had  caused  me  to  change  my 
mind."  Then  in  an  earnest  voice  he  said:  "If 
you  were  President  would  you  give  the  most 
important  position  in  Texas  and  one  of  the 
most  important  in  the  whole  South,  to  a  Negro  ?" 
Gen.  Clarkson  answered:  "Yes,  and  be  glad  of 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     121 

the  chance,  when  so  worthy  and  fit  a  man  for 
the  position,  and  a  colored  man  endorsed  as  to 
fitness  and  reliability  for  the  place  by  all  the 
Democratic  business  men  of  the  city,  could  be 
found/' 

The  President  returned  to  the  table  and, 
scratching  out  the  name  he  had  written,  wrote 
the  name  of  N.  Wright  Cuney.  He  then  turned 
to  Gen.  Clarkson  and  said :  "You  are  right,  and 
I  am  glad  you  called  my  attention  to  the  matter 
just  in  time/'  Gen.  Clarkson  went  out  to  father 
and  told  him  what  had  happened.  He  told  him 
to  drive  with  him  as  far  as  the  Post  Office  De 
partment  and  then  go  to  the  Capitol  where  from 
the  gallery  he  would  hear  his  appointment  read. 
On  this  day,  July  20,  1889,  father's  nomina 
tion  as  Collector  of  Customs  was  sent  to  the 
Senate. 

Gen.  Clarkson  has  said  to  me:  "I  always  be 
lieved  that  your  father  had  at  times  an  insight 
or  advance  hint  into  the  future,  for  I  saw 
several  instances  of  it;  and  I  have  always  be 
lieved  that  he  felt,  or  in  some  way  knew,  on 
the  last  day  he  came  to  me  in  the  Post  Office 
Department,  that  the  next  day  was  to  be 
one  of  the  important  days  of  his  whole  life, 
just  as  it  proved  to  be." 

The  Washington  special  to  the  Galveston 
News  of  that  date  read:  "The  President  did 
Texas  proud  to-day  by  naming  three  of  her 


122  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

citizens  for  important  places.  They  were  N.  W. 
Cuney  for  Collector  of  Customs  at  Galveston; 
James  J.  Dickerson  of  Fort  Bend  County  for 
Marshal  of  eastern  district;  and  Joseph  W. 
Burke  of  Austin  for  Collector  of  Internal 
Revenue  for  the  third  Texas  district. 

"Sweeney,  the  present  Collector  at  Galveston, 
lacked  until  Oct.  23d  next,  of  completing  his 
term,  so  that  his  is  a  case  of  straight  removal. 
No  charges  against  him  were  ever  talked  of 
among  the  Texans  here  and  if  any  were  made 
his  successor  was  no  party  to  them. 

"Cuney's  appointment  is  not  only  highly  grati 
fying  to  his  immediate  friends,  but  scores  of 
people  from  the  States  crowded  about  him  when 
his  success  became  known,  with  compliments 
and  congratulations.  Among  them  several  Con 
gressmen  and  leading  politicians.  He  bears  his 
honors  modestly,  yet  is  evidently  full  of  pride 
and  happiness  at  achieving  at  last  the  crown 
ing  measure  of  his  ambition.  It  did  not  take 
any  peculiar  acuteness  to  see  from  the  start  that 
he  would  win.  With  four  such  leaders  as 
Blaine,  Allison,  Elkins  and  Clarkson  to  back 
him,  how  could  he  fail?  Where  you  have  four 
aces  any  novice  knows  that  such  a  hand  is  in 
vincible. 

"Then  too,  Cuney  played  his  hand  with  skill. 
He  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  his  way  and  never 
lost  a  jot  of  his  faith  in  his  ultimate  victory." 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON  123 

On  the  first  of  August,  father  arrived  home 
from  Washington,  the  successful  candidate  for 
"the  most  important  appointment  given  to  a 
Negro  by  President  Harrison,  in  point  of  salary 
and  momentous  importance."  , 

The  Houston  Post  sarcastically  noted :  "Down 
at  'Cuney  Island'  last  night,  the  elaborate  re 
ception  prepared  for  Mr.  Cuney,  the  dark- 
skinned  white  man,  who  was  recently  given  the 
most  important  Federal  position  in  Texas  by 
Benjamin  Harrison,  took  place." 

There  were  comments,  favorable  and  other 
wise.  From  far  distant  Iowa,  appeared  an 
editorial  in  the  Iowa  Register:  "One  of  the 
most  satisfactory  and  most  gratifying  appoint 
ments  so  far,  is  that  of  Mr.  N.  W.  Cuney,  to  be 
Collector  of  Customs  at  Galveston.  He  has 
been  the  Texas  member  of  the  Republican  Na 
tional  Committee  for  several  years,  and  has  been 
unusually  efficient  and  valuable  to  the  party  in 
that  position.  He  is  a  man  of  bright  mind, 
quick  understanding,  good  judgment  and  a 
large  endowment  of  common  sense,  united  with 
a  character  whose  integrity  has  never  been 
challenged. 

"He  will  make  a  very  efficient  officer  and  will 
discharge  the  duties  of  his  position  in  a  manner 
acceptable  alike  to  the  Government  and  to  the 
business  interests  of  Galveston. 

"The  selection  for  this  important  place,  of 


124  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

a  man  who  has  done  a  great  deal  of  hard  work 
for  the  party,  will  greatly  please  the  Repub 
licans  of  Texas,  and  is  a  fitting  recognition  of 
a  good  and  true  man." 

The  Post,  of  Houston,  gave  its  parting  shot: 
"If  any  single  consideration  outside  of  partisan 
politics  entered  into  Cuney's  appointment,  it 
was  the  remarkable  endorsement  which  the  busi 
ness  men  of  Galveston,  depending  upon  Demo 
cratic  patronage  and  trade,  furnished.  So 
between  the  rank  partisanship  of  the  ad 
ministration,  backed  and  solicited  by  the  Gal 
veston  merchants,  it  happens  that  one  of  the 
most  offensive  Republican  Negro  politicians  and 
bosses  of  Texas,  is  fastened  upon  the  business 
of  the  State  for  the  next  four  years,  as  Col 
lector  of  the  port  of  Galveston." 

The  Galveston  News  gave  a  terse  rejoinder: 
"Its  animus  is  too  perspicuous  to  deceive  any 
of  the  friends  of  Democratic  Galveston." 

The  Indianapolis  (Ind.)  "World  thought: 
"The  appointment  of  Mr.  Cuney  is  the  best 
that  the  President  has  made — in  view  of  his 
unselfish  devotion  and  sacrifice  in  behalf  of 
his  people.  Mr.  Cuney  has  for  years  been  an 
unselfish  worker  in  the  Republican  ranks,  and 
for  honor,  probity  and  moral  worth,  no  man 
stands  higher." 

The  St.  Louis  Republic  continued:  "Cuney 
was  backed  by  nearly  every  prominent  Repub- 


COLLECTOR  OF  POET  OF  GALVESTON     125 

lican  and  politician  in  Texas  and  had  the  solid 
support  of  the  members  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee.  He  was  also  endorsed 
by  a  number  of  prominent  merchants  in  Gal 
veston,  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans.  It 
was  these  endorsements  from  Galveston  that 
secured  the  office  for  Cuney. 

"The  President  in  announcing  his  Southern 
policy  in  the  early  days  of  his  administration, 
said  that  he  would  not  appoint  .any  Negroes  to 
local  offices  where  such  appointment  would  be 
offensive  to  white  men. 

"It  is  understood  that  in  discussing  with  him 
self  and  others,  over  the  appointment  of  Cuney, 
he  excused  himself  on  the  ground  that  Cuney's 
appointment  could  not  be  offensive  to  the  white 
people  of  Galveston  and  Texas  because  a  num 
ber  of  them  asked  for  his  appointment." 

The  San  Antonio  Light,  one  of  the  few  lead 
ing  Republican  papers  of  the  State,  published 
an  open  letter:  "It  must  be  a  source  of  partic 
ular  gratification  to  Mr.  Cuney,  that  no  one 
has  seen  fit,  or  is  able  to  deny  his  peculiar  fit 
ness  for  this  office,  to  which  he  has  been  ap 
pointed,  though  unsparing  in  their  criticisms. 

"His  ability  is  unquestioned  and  as  long  as 
this  remains  to  his  credit,  he  has  nothing  to  fear. 
Mr.  Cuney  enjoys  the  confidence  of  his  race  in 
a  far  greater  degree  than  many  of  the  so-called 
leaders.  A  determination  to  remain  loyal  to 


126  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

them  at  all  hazards,  has  characterized  his  every 
action,  and  it  is  this  which  has  won  for  him 
the  reputation  which  he  enjoys  to-day.  A 
better  selection  could  not  have  been  made.  It 
is  not  the  purpose  of  this  article  to  indulge  in 
any  particular  eulogy  of  the  Negro,  but  it  does 
seem  that  when  an  important  position  is  given 
a  Negro,  a  few  disgruntled  politicians  should 
cease  nursing  their  sore  thumbs  and  come  out 
on  the  side  of  justice." 

When  Gov.  Coke  of  Texas  was  asked  if  he 
would  oppose  father's  confirmation  as  Collector, 
he  replied:  "No,  Sir,  Cuney  is  President  Har 
rison's  appointee  and  on  him  rests  the  responsi 
bility  for  the  appointment.  There  is  no  objec 
tion  to  Cuney,  save  his  color." 

"When  the  appointment  came  before  the  Sen 
ate,  Senator  Coke  remained  neutral,  while  Sen 
ator  Eeagan  of  Texas  voted  to  confirm  him. 
In  January,  1890,  father  relieved  Capt.  C.  C. 
Sweeney.  Dr.  George  M.  Patten,  the  son  of 
Nathan  Patten,  a  former  Collector  of  Customs, 
was  selected  as  his  Deputy,  and  the  personnel 
of  the  office  made  up  of  efficient  men,  about 
equally  divided  among  white  and  colored. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
THE  COLOR  BAR. 

OUTSIDE  of  politics,  the  years  1890  and  1891 
were  uneventful.  Father  was  active  in  the 
State.  At  the  request  of  the  people  he  visited 
many  of  the  County  fairs,  delivered  addresses 
on  the  tariff,  industrial  conditions,  education, 
the  Negro  question  and  other  live  issues  of  the 
day. 

At  the  founding  of  Langston  City,  Okla 
homa,  father  wrote  to  the  Hon.  E.  P.  McCabe: 
"I  believe  you  are  on  the  right  course ;  such  an 
enterprise  will,  I  hope,  prove  beyond  question 
that  the  race  is  capable  of  uniting  and  doing 
that  which  cannot  fail  to  elicit  favorable  com 
mendation." 

Other  enterprises  of  the  people  of  color  in 
the  South  were  now  being  considered.  The  col 
ored  institutions  of  learning  were  rapidly  grow 
ing  in  Texas,  and  father,  alive  to  their  needs, 
was  constantly  in  demand — giving  advice  and 
working  for  their  cause. 

As  a  mark  of  recognition  of  his  interest  in 
general  education,  public  schools  were  being 
given  his  name. 

127 


128  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

To  the  principal  of  the  N.  W.  Cuney  School 
at  Whitesborough,  Texas,  he  wrote :  "Please  con 
vey  to  the  trustees,  patrons  and  pupils,  my  high 
appreciation  of  the  mark  of  confidence  and  re 
spect  shown  by  them  in  the  naming  of  their 
school  for  me. 

"Say  to  the  little  ones  for  me,  that  they 
cannot  realize,  at  the  present  time,  the  signifi 
cance  of  their  action  and  my  appreciation 
thereof. 

"It  is  truly  gratifying  that  the  youth  in  our 
public  schools  should  appreciate  me  for  doing 
those  things  in  my  public  life  which  I  believe 
to  be  right  and  for  the  best  interests  of  our 
common  country. 

"None  of  the  living  can  now  say  but  what 
some  of  the  little  ones  in  that  group,  actuated 
by  an  ambition  to  serve  their  fellow  man  and 
the  interests  of  our  country,  may  yet  be  called 
upon  to  fill  the  highest  positions  in  the  gift  of 
the  people.  But  in  this  they  should  remember 
that  integrity  and  intelligence  and  patience  are 
the  essential  qualities  in  life,  for  success. 

"I  send  herewith  a  flag,  the  emblem  of  our 
country.  May  you  impress  upon  their  minds, 
young  as  they  are,  the  significance  of  this  em 
blem  to  themselves  and  their  posterity — teach 
them  to  cherish  it,  to  love  it  and  if  necessary 
to  die  for  it." 

As  early  as  1889,  a  separate  coach  bill  was 


THE  COLOE  BAB  129 

proposed  and  father  wrote  to  Representatives 
George  W.  Bryan  and  Walter  Gresham  of  the 
Texas  State  Legislature: 

"Some  one  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  S.  B.  No.  18, 
offered  by  Mr.  Pope,  proposing  to  require  the 
railroads  to  furnish  separate  cars  for  white  and 
colored  passengers.  I  see  by  the  papers  that  the 
bill  has  reached  the  House  and  been  referred  to 
the  proper  committee. 

"I  am  grieved  to  see  the  Legislature  falling 
into  the  error  of  legislating  on  this  subject 
which  is  clearly  not  within  its  province.  Be 
sides,  all  such  legislation  is  futile  and  iniquitous 
and  cannot  possibly  withstand  our  advancing 
humanity  and  civilization.  Such  a  law  would  be 
a  disgrace  to  the  State,  in  the  eyes  of  enlightened 
mankind,  and  a  severe  reflection  upon  the  wis 
dom  of  a  people,  whose  Representatives  at 
tempted  to  preserve  in  law  a  prejudice 
which  the  growing  humanity  and  intelligence 
of  the  people  they  misrepresented  in  the  matter 
had  more  than  half  overcome.  The  fact  that 
the  Senate  passed  the  bill  is  no  sufficient  evi 
dence  that  the  people  are  crying  for  this  species 
of  legislation.  Had  a  large  number  of  the 
Legislature  come  to  Austin  demanding  legisla 
tion  of  the  kind,  one  might  say  that  there  was 
considerable  demand  for  it ;  but  there  is  nothing 
of  the  kind  and  I  think  the  Senate  has  care 
lessly  and  out  of  complaisance  to  one  of  its  mem- 


130  NOERIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

bers  permitted  him  to  use  it  to  gratify  his  am 
bition  for  injuring  the  weak  and  unoffending. 

"I  think  it  an  undeniable  fact  that  if  there 
was  any  great  public  demand  for  separate  cars 
in  this  State,  the  Kailroad  would  put  them  on 
in  obedience  to  the  demand  and  I  can  assure 
you  that  it  would  be  far  more  desirable  to  be 
wronged  by  a  Railroad  Corporation  than  by  the 
State,  which  I  ought  to  and  want  to  love. 

"Hundreds,  perhaps,  of  white  and  colored 
people  transact  business  on  the  cars  going  from 
place  to  place,  but  under  this  bill  they  will  be 
denied  this  privilege.  Look  at  the  bill  in  any 
light  you  may,  one  is  forced  to  the  conclusion 
that  it  is  uncalled  for,  unwise,  a  violation  of 
the  rights  of  property,  and  a  brutal  invasion  of 
the  rights  of  a  people  whose  consciences  will  feel 
keenly  the  wrong  done  them  by  the  'New  South' 
in  its  effort  to  reverse  fate  and  check  the  growth 
of  a  broader  and  better  humanity. 

"Protestation  may  be  useless  where  folly  holds 
the  reins  but  I  protest  against  this  outrageous 
injustice." 

During  the  year  1891,  the  separate  coach  law 
was  enacted  by  the  Twenty-second  Legislature  of 
Texas — the  first  in  the  State,  of  a  series  of  un 
just  and  pernicious  legislation. 

On  Sept.  11,  1891,  the  colored  men  of  the 
State,  irrespective  of  political  affiliation,  held 
a  successful  convention  at  Galvestion.  Com- 


THE  COLOE  BAR  131 

mittees  were  formed  on  Emigration,  World's 
Fair  and  Education.  Opposition  was  made  to 
a  separate  department  for  colored  exhibits  at 
the  World's  Fair,  and  a  special  address  issued 
to  the  Governor  and  the  people  of  the  State, 
against  the  separate  coach  bill.  Rev.  I.  B.  Scott, 
now  Bishop  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
was,  with  my  father,  commended  as  one  of  the 
Commissioners  at  the  World's  Fair  at  Chicago. 

About  this  time,  my  parents  decided  that  I 
should  attend  the  New  England  Conservatory 
of  Music  at  Boston,  Mass.,  where  I  might  com 
plete  my  general  education,  and  at  the  same 
time  have  the  advantage  of  a  thorough  musical 
training.  After  a  summer  spent  in  Newport, 
R.  I.,  my  mother  made  arrangements  for  my 
entering  the  Institution.  One  other  colored 
student,  besides  myself,  occupied  a  room  in  the 
Conservatory  home,  and  for  a  short  while  there 
was  no  unpleasantness  on  account  of  color. 

Nevertheless,  late  in  October,  my  father  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  the  executive  committee 
saying : 

"Your  daughter,  with  other  colored  pupils 
who  have  entered  the  Home  of  the  Institution, 
was  received  in  good  faith  and  has  enjoyed  its 
every  privilege ;  but  we  find  ourselves  confronted 
with  a  problem  growing  out  of  their  connec 
tion  with  the  Home,  which  seriously  affects 
the  interests  of  the  Conservatory — a  problem 


132  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

for  which  there  seems  no  adequate  solution  save 
in  the  disposition  of  the  parents  of  colored 
pupils  to  provide  them  homes  outside  the  Con 
servatory.  We  have  a  large  number  of  pupils 
who  are  affected  by  race  prejudices,  and  the 
Home  must  be  conducted  so  as  to  insure  the  com 
fort  and  satisfaction  of  the  largest  number  pos 
sible,  otherwise  its  success,  and  the  success  of 
the  Institution,  which  is  entirely  dependent  upon 
its  patronage,  is  imperilled. 

"Further,  despite  our  best  effort,  we  realize 
that  we  cannot  save  the  colored  ladies  in  the 
Home,  from  the  possibility  of  disagreeable  ex 
periences,  and  while  all  the  educational  advan 
tages  of  the  Institution  are  open  to  them,  it 
seems  advisable  for  their  own  comfort,  for  the 
stability  and  welfare  of  the  Institution  whose 
advantages  they  covet  and  enjoy,  and  for  the 
advantage  of  all  concerned,  that  they  make  their 
home  with  friends  outside." 

My  father  replied:  "I  notice  with  extreme 
reluctance  the  bewildering  fact  that  glori 
ous  Massachusetts,  with  her  long  line  of  im 
mortal  heroes — William  L.  Garrison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Chas.  Sumner,  John  A.  Andrews,  John 
Boyle  O'Reilly,  and  a  whole  host  of  noble  men 
and  women  too  numerous  to  mention,  can 
furnish  an  institution  of  learning,  capable  of 
surrendering  her  world-wide  fame,  won  in  the 
fields  of  humanity  and  Christian  endeavor,  at 


Maud  Cuney  Hare 


THE  COLOE  BAB  133 

the  demand  of  a  dying  prejudice  which  your 
great  State  has  done  so  much  towards  render 
ing  nauseous  in  the  eyes  of  enlightened  human 
ity. 

"Publications  and  catalogues  attracted  my  at 
tention  to  your  institution.  I  accepted  your  in 
vitation  to  the  world  to  embrace  its  advantages 
for  my  child.  I  believed  that  your  principles 
were  fixed  in  the  foundations  of  humanity, 
justice  and  honor,  and  not  subject  to  the  con 
trol  of  a  few  misguided  girls  or  parents. 

"I  thought  you  had  counted  all  the  trifling 
costs  and  were  braced  for  them.  Judge,  then, 
how  greatly  I  have  been  deceived  by  your  atti 
tude  in  printed  solicitations  for  patronage. 

"You  request  my  co-operation  in  surrender 
ing  to  the  demands  of  prejudice,  by  withdraw 
ing  my  daughter;  I  cannot  help  you.  Ask 
Massachusetts;  ask  her  mighty  dead;  ask  her 
living  sons  and  daughters.  They  will  co-oper 
ate  with  you,  if  you  cannot  solve  the  problem, 
and  render  your  Institution  illustrious  through 
out  all  ages/' 

To  me  he  wrote  at  the  same  time: 

"You  were  quite  right,  darling,  when  you  said 
that  you  knew  your  father  would  tell  you  to  stay. 
I  can  safely  trust  my  good  name  in  your  hands. 
I  wish  you  were  where  I  could  embrace  and  kiss 
you  but  will  have  to  content  myself  with 
kissing  your  photo  on  my  desk  which  I  now  do. 


134  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Your  conduct,  dear,  in  this  case  meets  my  en 
tire  approval  and  makes  me  doubly  proud  of 
you.  I  only  hope  to  see  you  pull  through  in 
your  studies.  I  know  you  will  make  no  mistakes 
as  to  your  conduct  in  school,  knowing  so  well 
who  you  are.  Why  did  you  not  answer  my  tele 
gram?  All  of  our  friends  here  admire  your 
pluck.  I  have  T^een  very  busy  in  public  matters. 
They  are  now  out  of  the  way  and  I  shall  only  live 
now  for  mama,  you  and  Lloyd.  I  am  still 
troubled  with  insomnia  but  hope  to  get  over 
the  trouble  soon.  I  was  preparing  to  sue  the 
Institution  if  they  dared  force  you  out  of  the 
building." 

I  refused  to  leave  the  dormitory,  and  because 
of  this,  was  subjected  to  many  petty  indignities. 
I  insisted  upon  proper  treatment.  The  atti 
tude  of  myself  and  my  parents  was  displeasing 
to  the  Conservatory  management,  but  the  in 
structors  were  just  and  the  matter  was  finally 
adjusted  by  my  remaining  in  the  'Home.' 

The  directors  later  publicly  declared  that  the 
whole  matter  arose  from  a  "misunderstanding" 
and  that  there  was  no  color  bar  in  the  institu 
tion. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
POLITICS  AGAIN. 

FATHER'S  attention  was  again  turned  to  polit 
ical  matters.  In  January,  1891,  regarding  the 
candidacy  of  Mr.  Ingalls  of  Kansas  for  the  U. 
S.  Senatorship,  father  wrote  Judge  S.  Hack- 
worth  of  Topeka: 

"It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  remind  you  of 
the  fact  that  Louisiana,  South  Carolina,  old 
Virginia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia  and  Arkan 
sas  are  dominated  to-day  by  an  oligarchy  just 
as  relentless  as  it  was  before  the  late  war.  We 
in  Texas,  outside  of  a  few  counties,  are  relieved 
of  that,  but  you  know  the  reason  why. 

"Remember  that  Kansas  was  first  made  known 
by  the  heroic  deeds,  in  the  struggle  for  human 
liberty,  of  the  lamented  John  Brown  and  Jim 
Lane,  and  for  more  than  a  decade  the  eloquent 
tongue  and  the  magic  genius  of  John  J.  Ingalls 
have  kept  her  before  the  public  as  the  home  of 
a  people  who  have  done  so  much  for  human 
freedom  and  enlightened  progress.  If  such  a 
man  is  to  be  defeated  by  such  a  people  it  gives 
little  encouragement,  to  those  of  us  who  live  in 
the  far  distant  South,  to  continue  the  struggle 
135 


136  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

for  those  principles  which  he  and  they  have  so 
continuously,  nobly  and  ably  defended. 

"I  can  not  believe  that  the  people  of  Kansas, 
who  have  made  their  State  the  home  of  the 
oppressed  for  these  many  years  will,  at  this 
late  day  so  far  forget  the  noble  deeds  of  their 
ancestors,  as  to  take  such  a  step  backward,  and 
defeat  the  election  of  Mr.  Ingalls,  and  thus  give 
strength  to  that  element  referred  to,  which  rules 
the  South  with  a  mailed  hand.  I  believe  all 
true  Republicans  in  the  South  and  lovers  of 
human  liberty  everywhere  view  with  alarm 
the  possible  defeat  of  Mr.  Ingalls,  the  silver- 
tongued  pleader  for  a  free  ballot,  a  fair  count 
and  the  rights  of  humanity.  Kansas,  in  my 
judgment,  in  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Ingalls,  will 
lose  that  proud  position  which  she  occupies  in 
the  eyes  of  enlightened  civilization  acquired  by 
his  genius  and  eloquence.  I  know  there  is  a 
great  unrest  among  the  producing  classes  of  our 
country,  but  I  cannot  see  how  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  South  is  solid  and  ruled  by  an 
oligarchy,  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Ingalls  will  better 
their  condition.  In  short,  can  Kansas  take  this 
step  twenty-five  years  backward  and  extend  aid 
to  the  same  men  who  struggled  so  hard  to  over 
throw  those  principles  which  she  so  nobly  de 
fended?  I  notice  the  Democratic  press  now 
proposes  to  use  the  defeat  of  Senator  Wade 
Hampton  as  a  reason  why  Senator  Ingalls  should 


POLITICS  AGAIN  137 

be  defeated.  Mr.  Irby  promises  to  carry  out 
the  policy  defended  by  Mr.  Hampton.  Our 
friends  in  Kansas  should  observe  that  the  alli 
ance  in  the  South  do  not  advance  on  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Democratic  party  because  they  are 
Democrats,  yet  they  ask  and  urge  the  Repub 
licans  of  the  North  and  West  to  forsake  all  that 
has  made  them  so  great  and  break  away  from 
the  principles  of  that  party  which  they  fought 
and  died  to  sustain.  I,  in  the  name  of  the  Re 
publicans  of  the  South,  hope  their  chalice  will 
pass  from  our  lips  and  that  they  will  stand 
firmly  by  those  principles,  so  ably  defended  by 
Garrison,  Phillips,  Butler,  Sumner  and  a  host 
of  those  who  have  made  our  country  as  glorious 
as  it  is.  With  the  best  of  wishes  for  the  suc 
cess  of  Mr.  Ingalls,  I  am  yours  very  truly, 

N.  W.  CUNEY." 

In  Texas  politics,  following  the  usual  county 
and  congressional  conventions,  the  State  conven 
tion  was  held  on  Sept.  4th  in  San  Antonio. 
There  the  "Lily  Whites/'  who  were  constantly 
engaged  in  improving  their  plans  to  free  them 
selves  from  contact  with  the  colored  voter,  were 
again  defeated. 

In  an  interval  which  followed,  father  had  oc 
casion  to  reply  to  a  correspondent,  relative  to 
political  questions  before  the  people.  He  said, 
in  part:  "I  have,  since  my  return  home,  read 


138  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

your  letter  very  carefully  and  have  arrived  at 
the  conclusion  that  your  proposition  is  not  a 
practical  one,  but  the  earnestness  in  which  you 
write  and  the  undoubted  sincerity  which  shows 
upon  the  face  of  your  letter  demand  at  my  hand 
reasons  for  this  conclusion. 

"In  the  first  place,  this  is  a  political  question 
in  which  all  people  should  be  free  to  act  accord 
ing  to  their  judgment  as  to  what  is  for  the  best 
interests  of  our  State.  If  the  question  is  detri 
mental  to  the  laboring  interests  of  our  State, 
then,  in  my  judgment,  all  the  laboring  inter 
ests  without  reference  to  nationality  should  take 
action  against  it. 

"In  the  second  place:  If  there  is  any  one 
thing  in  our  public  relations  I  abhor  and  detest 
it  is  the  question  of  the  injustice  therein  of 
color,  religion  or  nationality,  and  it  has  been 
the  labor  of  my  public  life  for  twenty  years, 
to  eliminate  these  elements  from  our  public 
policy. 

"The  Negro  is  a  part  of  the  citizenship  of  our 
country,  endowed  with  all  the  rights  under  the 
constitution  which  are  enjoyed  by  any  other 
class  of  citizens,  and  equally  responsible  for 
the  good  or  evil  which  may  flow  from  the  per 
formance  of  his  public  duties,  and  in  my  opin 
ion  it  is  the  duty  of  all  right-thinking  men 
continually  to  impress  this  upon  his  mind, 
thereby  making  the  citizenship  of  our  common 


POLITICS  AGAIN  139 

country  thoroughly  homogeneous  in  all  of  its 
public  relations. 

"Whatever  concerns  the  Negro  for  weal  or 
woe  of  our  country  must  necessarily  concern  all. 
While  I  thoroughly  concur  with  you  that  under 
the  prevailing  circumstances  the  commission 
amendment  should  not  be  adopted,  yet  I  feel,  as 
a  citizen,  that  we  should  act  in  casting  our  votes, 
solely  as  citizens  without  reference  to  color. 

"In  the  third  place :  I  note  what  you  say  about 
secret  societies  working  in  this  matter.  My 
opinion  is  that  if  secret  societies  attempt  to  shape 
the  public  policy  of  our  country,  they  then  be 
come  dangerous  and  inimical  to  the  public  wel 
fare  and  democratic  institutions.  In  this  lies 
the  danger  of  the  growth  of  secret  societies 
among  the  thoughtless  in  our  country,  and  in 
my  judgment  it  behooves  all  patriotic  citizens 
to  keep  them  as  far  removed  from  public  mat 
ters  as  possible  and  to  impress  continually  upon 
their  leaders  that  their  duties  are  benevolent 
and  not  political,  as  they  would  create  factions 
which  would  be  injurious  to  the  public  good." 

In  the  Fall  of  1891,  a  pleasant  incident  was 
the  welcoming  in  port  of  the  new  revenue  cut 
ter  Galveston.  Oct.  21,  Mayor  Fulton  and  Sec 
retary  Dana  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  ap 
pointed  a  reception  committee,  for  the  purpose 
of  going  aboard  the  cutter  and  extending  the 
formal  welcome.  At  the  appointed  time,  Mayor 


140  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Fulton,  P.  J.  Willis,  J.  M.  Lee,  W.  F.  Turnley, 
Secretary  Dana,  L.  S.  McKinney,  H.  Austin, 
R.  M.  Cash,  and  father,  with  the  members  of  the 
artillery  company  were  on  hand.  Mayor  Fulton, 
Mr.  Dana  and  father  delivered  the  addresses 
of  welcome,  which  were  happily  responded  to 
by  Capt.  Munger. 

On  Nov.  24th  the  National  Republican  Com 
mittee  met  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  where  there 
was  a  most  spirited  contest  for  the  National 
Convention.  Father  was  especially  honored  in 
the  meeting  of  the  Committee,  by  being  called 
by  Gen.  Clarkson,  to  preside.  Ex-Governor 
Pinchback  of  Louisiana  had  opportunity  dur 
ing  the  afternoon  recess,  to  denounce  the  white 
Republicans  of  the  South,  whom  he  said,  he 
"held  to  be  responsible  for  the  lack  of  virility 
of  the  party  in  that  section  of  the  country,  and 
for  suppressing  the  Negro  vote  for  fear  of  race 
issues/7  At  the  night  session,  the  intrepid 
Governor  Foraker  of  Ohio  spoke,  and  was  re 
ceived  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  It  was 
reported  that:  "His  friends  he  pleased,  by  his 
magnificent  speech ;  his  enemies  he  disappointed, 
because  they  could  find  nothing  to  criticise. 
Many  of  them  he  won  over  to  himself  and 
made  them  his  lasting  friends.  There  was  not 
a  man  in  that  great  crowd  who  did  not  admire 
Gov.  Foraker  after  he  had  finished  his  speech. 
There  was  not  one  who  did  not  acknowledge 


POLITICS  AGAIN  141 

his  greatness  and  applaud  him  to  the  echo. 
Many  did  not  know  him,  and  when  they  saw 
the  kind  of  man  he  is,  they  were  not  sur 
prised  that  Ohio  loves  him."  Governor-elect 
McKinley  of  Ohio,  was  also  one  of  the  speakers 
at  the  meeting. 

After  the  claims  of  each  city  for  the  National 
Convention  had  been  heard,  Minneapolis,  Minn., 
was  decided  upon,  and  the  time,  the  7th  of 
June,  1892. 

Upon  father's  return  from  Washington,  he 
was  interviewed  by  a  representative  of  the  Gal- 
veston  News.  To  the  first  question,  as  to  whether 
Blaine  and  Clarkson  would  oppose  Harrison, 
he  replied:  "Mr.  Blaine  is  a  statesman,  he  be 
lieves  in  protection  and  reciprocity  measures, 
not  men,  and  no  one  can  question  his  fidelity 
to  these  principles. 

"I  know  Mr.  Clarkson  well.  The  fact  of  his 
having  accepted  a  position  on  the  executive  com 
mittee  without  reference  to  what  may  have  been 
his  position  before  the  convention,  is  evidence 
that  he  is  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  those  who 
know  the  manly  heart  and  loyal  Republicanism 
of  Mr.  Clarkson  will  never  believe  him  capable 
of  engaging  in  what  is  commonly  known  in 
politics  as  'knifing/  Our  Democratic  friends 
will  learn  this  by  the  Ides  of  November." 

As  to  the  policy  of  the  Senate  relative  to 
silver,  father  replied:  "The  policy  of  the  Re- 


142  NOEKIS  WRIGHT  CVNEY 

publican  party  as  evidenced  by  its  stand  in  the 
last  Congress  is  in  direct  opposition  to  the  free 
coinage  of  silver. 

"It  is  also  well  known  that  eight  Republican 
senators  representing  the  silver  producing 
States,  voted  in  favor  of  free  coinage,  and  I 
take  it  for  granted,  as  Mr.  Stewart  has  rein- 
troduced  his  bill  favoring  free  coinage,  it  is 
an  open  question  whether  these  gentlemen  will 
relinquish  their  former  stand  upon  this  subject. 
We  have  had  two  acquisitions  to  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Hill  from  New  York  and  Mr.  Brice  from 
Ohio.  Both  gentlemen,  it  is  supposed,  represent 
the  eastern  idea  on  the  silver  question.  This 
in  all  probability  will  somewhat  complicate  the 
situation  and  render  it  nearly  impossible  for  any 
one  to  give  an  accurate  idea  of  the  situation. 

"The  Cleveland,  Mills,  Morrison  and  Car 
lisle  faction  desired  to  force  the  issue  between 
the  two  great  parties  on  the  tariff  question 
solely  and  avoid  the  silver  question. 

"On  the  other  hand  Hill,  Gorman  and  Tam 
many  were  favorable  to  a  marked  neutrality 
in  the  party's  attitude  on  these  questions/' 


The  Galveston  Custom  House 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES." 

IN  the  Spring  of  1892,  following  the  County 
Convention  at  Beaumont,  at  which  the  Cuneyites 
had  been  victorious,  Henry  G.  Baxter,  chairman 
of  the  Jefferson  County  Republican  Executive 
Committee,  addressed  an  open  letter  to  father. 
Calling  attention  to  the  statistics  concerning  the 
Negro  population  and  illiteracy,  the  communica 
tion  stated: 

"There  are  some  few  exceptions,  I  will  admit, 
men  like  you  and  Fred  Douglass,  who  have  the 
intelligence  and  ability  to  understand  and 
analyze  the  great  principles  of  political  economy 
underlying  the  Republican  platform. 

"But  such  men  as  you  among  the  Negro  race 
are  few,  and  may  I  ask  if  you  can  be  classed  as 
a  pure-blooded  Negro?  Is  there  not  some 
potent,  unacknowledged  factor  which  raises  you 
and  Fred  Douglass  in  intelligence  and  ability, 
over  the  average  Negro  of  pure  African  descent  ? 

"There  is  a  dangerous  spirit  fostering  among 

the  Negroes,  a  desire  to  control  the  party  actions, 

in  which  they  happen  to  be,  in  point  of  numbers, 

the  most  numerous  of  the  Republicans.       Can 

143 


144  NOEKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

they,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  white  Republicans, 
or  'Lily  Whites/  as  the  most  virulent  Negroes 
call  the  earnest  white  Republican  standard- 
bearers,  afford  to  form  a  distinctly  Negro  party  ? 
Will  the  whites  who  have  so  long  been  dominant 
by  birth,  education,  numbers  and  social  dis 
tinctions,  submit  to  Negro  domination  ? 

"Are  the  Negroes  prepared  to  prove  that  they 
are  morally,  intellectually  and  physically  pre 
pared  to  control  the  reins  of  government  should 
they  be  able  to  seize  hold  of  them  ?" 

This  sentiment  was  not  unknown  in  the  North. 
In  the  preceding  campaign  in  Michigan,  the 
chairman  of  the  Republican  Committee  of  that 
State  declared  that  the  party  had  done  enough 
for  the  Negroes  and  called  them  insolent  for 
requesting  recognition. 

It  was  evident  that  the  Republican  party  in 
the  South,  with  the  exception,  of  course,  of  a  few 
fair-minded  members  of  the  white  race,  meant  to 
be  free,  at  all  hazards,  "from  the  Negro  as  a 
race." 

There  were  no  serious  objections  to  the  few 
who  "knew  their  place,"  but  the  party  control 
must  be  in  the  hands  of  the  white  man  and  he 
was  fast  perfecting  organization  to  that  end. 
The  colored  men  were  just  as  determined  to  pre 
vent  this  injustice,  which  could  only  lead  to 
general  disfranchisement. 

Father  declared,  "The  'Lily  White'  movement 


FIGHTING  TEE  "LILY  WHITES''         145 

is  incoherent,  having  no  principle  to  back  it,  and 
it  is  based  entirely  on  racial  prejudices.  It 
must  therefore  pass  away,  leaving  no  signs 
of  its  present  existence  save  a  sulphurous 
name." 

On  March  9th,  the  Eepublican  State  conven 
tion  met  at  Austin,  ta  select  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention.  This  convention  was  one 
of  the  largest  attempted  for  years.  It  was 
prophesied — "Cuney  will  undoubtedly  attempt 
to  control  the  convention,  but  he  will  have 
trouble — it  is  evident  that  the  'Lily  White'  move 
ment  will  control  the  coming  meetings." 

Mr.  Charles  Ferguson,  who  was  an  anti-admin 
istration  man,  had  allied  himself  with  the  op 
position,  and  was  supported  by  the  "Lily 
Whites." 

In  the  temporary  organization,  the  Committee 
on  Credentials  held  a  long  and  stormy  session. 
Delegates  who  held  prima  facie  credentials  were 
to  be  admitted  in  the  temporary  organization, 
but  the  concluding  phrase  of  Chairman  Lock 
McDaniel's  call,  issued  three  weeks  before  the 
convention,  was  the  proviso:  "With  the  excep 
tion  of  those  cases  where  contestants,  within  five 
days  of  the  meeting  of  said  convention,  have 
filed  their  contests  with  the  chairman  of  the 
State  Executive  Committee,  with  printed 
grounds  of  contest."  This  ruling  practically 
barred  out  all  delegations  wherein  contests  oc- 


146  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

curred,  and  in  every  case  the  "Lily  Whites"  had 
contested  the  Cuney  delegations. 

Father,  claiming  it  was  simply  a  scheme  to 
legislate  in  favor  of  the  "Lily  Whites,"  assailed 
this  rule,  and  made  a  motion  to  seat  those  con 
testing  delegates  who  held  prima  facie  creden 
tials — a  law  that  had  been  followed  in  previous 
conventions. — "One  man  attempts  to  dictate  to 
this  committee,"  he  said.  "What  are  we  here  for  ? 
There  are  thirty-one  men  to  transact  the  business 
of  the  party.  There  are  enough  honest  men  in 
the  committee  to  do  what  is  right,  and  to  the  gen 
tleman  who  presides,  I  say  we  have  no  master  in 
this  country,  and  as  far  as  Wright  Cuney  is 
concerned,  no  slaves."  His  motion  was  almost 
unanimously  carried. 

The  Galveston-Dallas  News  reported:  "The 
news  was  rushed  to  the  impatient  delegates  in 
the  Convention  hall  and  the  colored  men  roared 
their  approval.  .  .  .  But  for  the  splendid  leader 
ship  of  Cuney  and  the  thorough  discipline  of  his 
following,  the  'Lily  Whites'  would  have  made  a 
better  fight." 

"On  the  second  day  there  was  much  excite 
ment  attending  the  seating  of  contesting  dele 
gations.  The  motion  of  Charles  Ferguson  to 
unseat  the  Fort  Bend  delegation  was  defeated 
by  a  vote  of  483  to  145.  A  bystander  remarked : 
'The  truth  appears  to  be  that  the  "Lily  Whites" 
have  more  voices  than  votes.' '; 


FIGHTING  TEE  "LILY  WHITES"         147 

Before  the  election  of  the  delegates-at-large, 
Hon.  Lock  McDaniel,  chairman  of  the  State 
Executive  Committee,  said:  "There  is  no  one 
opposed  to  Cuney's  being  elected  a  delegate- 
at-large  to  the  National  Convention.  The  trouble 
is  that  Ferguson  wants  to  go  to  the  National 
Convention  with  a  number  of  delegates  in  favor 
of  him  so  as  to  supplant  Cuney  and  have  himself 
elected  as  member  of  the  National  Committee. 
There  are  to  be  eight  delegates-at-large  elected 
to  the  National  Convention,  and  two  from  each 
of  the  eleven  congressional  districts.  These 
thirty  delegates  elect  the  member  of  the  National 
Executive  Committee,  and  it  is  this  position 
which  Ferguson  is  after.  Mr.  Cuney  will  win, 
but  if  he  does  not  you  can  put  it  down  that  no 
colored  man  will  be  elected  in  his  stead." 

In  father's  speech  before  the  convention,  he 
alluded  to  the  unnecessary  strife  which  had  been 
engendered  in  the  party  in  the  State.  He  said 
that  he  had  been  forced  into  a  contest  of  no  seek 
ing  of  his  own — in  a  strife  which  had  assumed 
a  personal  attitude  toward  him  on  the  question 
of  "Cuney  or  no  Cuney."  This  was  largely,  he 
contended,  on  account  of  the  opposition  to  him 
from  the  Democratic  press  on  the  assumption 
that  he  was  leader  of  the  Republicans.  "I 
assume,"  he  said,  "no  such  leadership.  There  are 
too  many  far  abler  men  than  I  in  the  party. 
Nor  have  I  ever  attempted  to  dictate  as  to 


148  NOEPJS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

what  should  be  the  policy  of  our  party  in 
Texas. 

"Still  I  will  not  stand  idle  and  indifferent  and 
see  its  principles  prostituted  for  selfish  purposes. 
I  have  not  schemed  to  tie  up  delegations  in 
order  to  rob  the  people  of  any  honest  expres 
sion  of  their  opinions  and  political  wishes.  I 
feel  that  I  can  confidently  leave  everything  to 
the  convention  and  trust  to  its  fairness  in  all 
matters  of  interest  to  the  success  of  our  party. 

"We  had  a  fair  solution  of  such  difficulties  in 
our  temporary  organization  yesterday  and  in 
the  election  of  our  distinguished  and  fair-minded 
chairman,  Hon.  J.  B.  Rector. 

"I  am  before  you  as  a  candidate,  but  even  in 
that  it  is  not  of  my  own  seeking.  I  have  been 
forced  into  it  as  a  matter  of  personal  pride. 

"When  cliques  determine  that,  by  the  eternal 
gods,  Cuney  shall  not  go  to  the  convention,  then 
I  say  it  is  time  for  the  people  to  act  upon  some 
higher  motive  then  'downing  Cuney.'  As  to  the 
complaint  that  white  men  have  been  prevented 
from  voting  for  the  Republican  ticket  because 
President  Harrison  honored  me  with  the  ap 
pointment  of  Collector  of  the  port  of  Galveston, 
I  do  not  believe  it.  If  it  is  true,  such  men  had 
better  vote  the  Democratic  ticket." 

Judge  Rosenthal,  chairman  of  the  committee 
read  the  report  of  the  committee  on  Credentials, 
and  after  considerable  discussion,  it  was  adopted. 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"         149 

All  of  the  Cuney  delegates  were  seated.  Ev 
ery  opposing  measure  advanced  by  the  "Lily 
Whites"  was  vetoed,  while  the  differences  with 
the  Ferguson  faction  were  compromisd.  The 
Cuneyites  were  jubilant. 

At  an  early  hour,  March  tenth,  the  conven 
tion  completed  the  election  of  its  eight  delegates- 
at-large  to  the  National  Convention  at  Minne 
apolis,  who  were  instructed  to  vote  for  Benja 
min  Harrison.  The  delegation  stood:  John  B. 
Kector,  W.  F.  Crawford,  Lock  McDaniel,  A.  J. 
Eosenthal,  A.  Asbury,  Fred  Chase,  C.  M.  Fergu 
son  and  N.  "W.  Cuney.  The  four  first  named 
were  white  and  the  others,  colored  delegates. 
The  Cuneyites  had  elected  seven  out  of  the  eight 
delegates-at-large. 

There  was  long  cheering  and  cries  for  the 
"Yellow  Rose  of  Texas."  Father  responded 
heartily,  thanking  the  convention  for  the  largest 
majority  vote  which  was  cast  by  it,  for  him. 

The  "Lily  White"  leaders  took  a  back  seat 
and  some  of  them  left  the  hall,  swearing  that 
they  would  no  longer  affiliate  with  the  party.  A 
long  struggle  had  been  made  to  get  control  of 
the  regular  Republican  party  organization  in 
Texas,  but  they  were  at  last  forced  to  give  up 
the  fight. 

On  March  10th,  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
regular  convention,  James  P.  Newcomb,  leader 
of  the  "Lily  White"  faction,  called  a  mass  con- 


150  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

vention  of  his  followers  to  meet  in  Dallas  on 
April  12th,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a 
State  ticket  and  of  selecting  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention,  in  opposition  to  the  dele 
gates  just  selected  by  the  regular  organization. 

After  bolting,  Col.  Newcomb  declared  there 
was  "much  dissension  in  the  colored  ranks  on 
account  of  Cuney  not  being  able  to  provide  all 
of  his  'black  cohorts'  with  a  position  at  the 
Custom  House — the  Negro  will  act  the  Trojan 
horse  and  help  bring  about  the  plan  of  keeping 
the  Negro  in  the  rear." 

The  "Lily  White"  convention,  pursuant  to  Col. 
Newcomb's  call,  was  held  in  Dallas,  April  12, 
1892.  It  was  the  first  white  Republican  conven 
tion  ever  held  in  the  State  of  Texas. 

In  a  lengthy  address  to  the  convention,  Judge 
Henry  Cline  of  Houston  said  in  part:  "Do  you 
not  feel  the  strong  current  of  your  Gothic  blood 
stir  in  your  veins  to-day?  Are  you  ready  to 
assert  the  spirit  of  white  men  in  this  country  and 
govern  it?  To  do  this  we  have  to  get  rid  of 
Negro  domination.  My  God!  when  I  think  of 
the  Austin  Convention !  A  colored  man,  sitting 
at  the  receipt  of  Customs  in  Galveston,  a  tax 
collector,  told  us  if  we  did  not  like  the  way  the 
Republican  party  was  managed  we  could  vote 
the  Democratic  ticket."  He  advised  that  the 
Negroes  who  wished  to  be  Republicans  should 
work  separately  from  the  whites. 


FIGHTING  TEE  "LILY  WHITES"         151 

Colonel  Kindred  of  Amarillo  proposed  to  re- 
nominate  and  re-elect  the  good  men  that  were 
elected  by  the  Austin  Convention,  because  some 
of  them  he  declared,  (presumably  the  whites) 
were  true  and  representative  men.  The  "white" 
convention  chose  delegates  to  the  National  Con 
vention  and  nominated  a  complete  State  ticket, 
naming  Col.  A.  J.  Houston  of  Dallas,  the  son 
of  the  illustrious  Sam  Houston,  for  Governor, 
with  Col.  Newcomb  for  Lieutenant-Governor. 

In  Col.  Houston's  address,  which  was  decid 
edly  conservative,  he  said:  "You  must  all  know 
that  I  have  not  sought  this.  There  are  other 
men  far  more  competent  and  I  opposed  nomina 
tions  at  this  time,  not  for  any  particular  reasons, 
but  because  the  combined  wisdom  of  conserva 
tive  men  opposed  it  for  reasons  seemingly  good." 

In  the  address  to  the  Republicans  of  the  State, 
the  "white"  convention  appealed  to  the  people 
for  consideration  for  "the  new  departure  we 
have  taken  as  a  representative  body  of  white 
Republicans  of  Texas.  We  feel  justified  in 
assuming  that  the  Republican  party  has  no 
organization  such  as  is  recognized  as  requisite 
to  constitute  a  political  party — therefore  the 
necessity  has  arisen  for  the  organization  of  the 
Republican  party  of  Texas,  independent  of  its 
past  history,  and  upon  the  further  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  only  upon  the  intelligence  and 
manhood  of  the  white  American  citizen,  can 


152  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

any  party  in  this  country  hope  for  growth 
and  success. 

"We  call  upon  the  white  Republicans  of  the 
State,  and  those  in  sympathy  with  the  principles 
and  policies  of  the  Republican  party,  to  come  to 
our  aid  and  give  us  their  assistance  in  building 
up  Republicanism  in  Texas.  We  call  upon  the 
white  Republicans  of  the  State  to  organize  and 
come  to  the  support  of  our  standard  bearers  in 
the  coming  State  election." 

The  New  York  Herald,  in  making  a  survey  of 
the  national  situation  in  May,  received  among 
their  replies,  the  two  following  despatches: 
"Galveston,  May  28,  1892.  The  Texas  delegation 
is  practically  unanimous  for  Harrison.  Op 
posed  to  free  coinage  and  in  favor  of  the  McKin- 
ley  bill.  N.  W.  Cuney." 

"Paris,  Texas,  May  28,  1892.  The  white  Re 
publicans  of  Texas  are  now  thoroughly  organized 
and  will  favor  the  most  valuable  man  for  Presi 
dent.  We  object  to  Texas  federal  patronage 
being  dispensed  by  Negroes.  We  favor  limited 
coinage  of  silver  and  protective  tariff.  S.  J. 
Wright." 

At  the  Republican  National  Convention  which 
was  held  on  June  7th  at  Minneapolis,  the  dele 
gates  selected  by  the  White  Republican  conven 
tion  appealed  their  case  to  the  highest  tribunal 
of  the  party — the  Committee  on  Credentials  of 
the  National  organization.  They  demanded 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES'1          153 

recognition  as  the  duly  accredited  delegates  of 
the  Republican  party  of  Texas. 

The  National  Convention  in  adopting  the 
report  of  its  Committee  on  Credentials  decided 
that  the  "Lily  Whites"  were  "not  only  not 
entitled  to  seats  in  the  convention,  but  repre 
sented  a  political  organization  in  Texas  which  is 
un-American  and  un-Republican."  The  defeat 
of  the  "Lily  Whites"  was  complete.  Father 
was  re-appointed  National  Committeeman  for 
the  State  of  Texas. 

In  the  National  Convention  there  were  one 
hundred  and  twenty  colored  delegates,  among 
them  Hon.  Frederick  Douglass,  who  favored  the 
re-nomination  of  Pres.  Harrison.  Out  of  the 
thirty  Texas  delegates,  father  held  twenty-two 
solid  for  Harrison.  At  the  close  of  the  conven 
tion,  Senator  Quay  remarked  to  father:  "You 
are  responsible  for  Harrison's  nomination/' 

From  Minneapolis,  father  went  to  Washing 
ton,  and  then,  early  in  July,  came  to  New  York 
to  join  me  that  we  might  have  the  journey  home 
together. 

While  we  were  staying  at  the  Hotel  St.  Nicho 
las  an  amusing  incident  occurred.  One  morning, 
having  retired  late  the  previous  evening,  break 
fast  hour  was  nearly  past  before  we  were  ready 
to  enter  the  dining-room.  Father  suggested  that 
I  precede  him  and  order  breakfast.  The  cashier 
noticed  my  sitting  alone,  and  coming  to  the  table 


154  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

she  began  the  conversation  by  asking  if  I  was 
waiting  for  my  husband.  To  my  laughing  excla 
mation  that  it  was  my  father  whom  I  was  with, 
she  said :  "Oh,  Spanish  girls  marry  when  so  very 
young,  we  in  the  hotel  thought  that  you  were 
a  little  Spanish  girl-bride."  When  I  declared 
my  race,  she  cried  in  astonishment:  "But  you 
and  your  father  must  be  Spanish !  No  ?  Then 
Creole — surely  you  can  not  be  colored." 

Then  continued  an  expression  of  bewildered, 
hazy  ideas  concerning  the  results  of  race  ad 
mixture — texture  of  hair  and  shade  of  com 
plexion,  which  led  to  a  serious  discussion  of  the 
Negro  problem. 

When  father  came  to  the  table,  I  told  him 
of  the  incident.  He  said;  "You  did  right  in 
declaring  your  race."  He  abhorred  above  all 
things  the  supposedly  easier  way  of  "passing  for 
white,"  and  instilled  in  my  young  brother  and 
me  a  hatred  and  contempt  for  the  cowardly 
method  which  is  upheld  by  many  who  can  suc 
cessfully  disown  their  Negro  blood. 

July  ninth  saw  us  en  route  to  Galveston  via 
the  steamship  Concho  of  the  Mallory  Line. 
Captain  Risk,  who  was  a  good  friend  of  father's, 
did  all  in  his  power  to  make  our  V9yage  a  most 
delightful  one. 

A  passenger  of  interest,  Edwin  Markham,  said 
among  other  things  in  his  "Sketch  made  at  Sea" 
for  the  New  York  Mail  and  Express:  "Judge 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"         155 

Story  said,  'We  stand  the  latest,  and  if  we  fail, 
probably  the  last  experiment  of  self-government 
by  the  people.  Hon.  Wright  Cuney,  the  head 
of  the  Republican  party  in  Texas  and  Collector 
of  the  Port  of  Galveston,  is  one  of  the  men  to 
make  the  experiment  successful.  He  is  among 
our  passengers,  returning  with  his  daughter  to 
their  home  and  his  post." 

Shortly  after  father's  return  home,  the  Re 
publican  State  Convention  was  held.  This  con 
vention,  which  met  September  12th  at  Fort 
Worth,  had  two  objects  in  view — the  consider 
ation  and  endorsement  of  the  National  platform 
and  to  consult  the  best  interests  of  Texas  in  the 
matter  of  State  officials. 

Many  important  elections  had  been  lost  in 
1891,  the  country  was  Democratic,  and  there 
was  no  ray  of  hope  for  the  election  of  a  Repub 
lican  governor  in  Texas. 

Realizing  the  conditions,  the  leading  Republi 
cans,  Hawley,  Rosenthal,  Hunt,  McCormick, 
Webster  Flanagan,  father  and  others  opposed 
the  nomination  of  a  State  ticket.  They  believed 
it  for  the  best  interests  of  the  State  to  endorse 
one  of  the  candidates  already  in  the  field. 

The  regular  Democratic  party  of  the  State 
had  nominated  Gov.  Hogg  for  re-election,  while 
the  progressive  element  had  bolted  and  selected 
Judge  Clark.  The  two  other  candidates,  ex 
clusive  of  Col.  A.  J.  Houston  of  the  "Lily 


156  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Whites/'  were  Thomas  L.  Nugent,  Populist,  and 
D.  M.  Prentice,  Prohibitionist. 

In  spite  of  the  split  with  the  "Lily  Whites/' 
the  majority  of  the  delegates  were  white,  and  the 
attendance  unusually  large.  After  minor  diffi 
culties,  temporary  organization  was  completed 
by  the  election  of  Hon.  R.  B.  Hawley  of  Galves- 
ton  for  chairman,  and  H.  M.  Tarver  of  Brenham, 
a  young  colored  delegate,  for  Secretary. 

"Save  the  State"  was  the  sentiment  of  the  con 
vention.  The  majority  declared  that  this  could 
be  best  effected  by  endorsing  Judge  Clark,  while 
the  remaining  delegates  were  divided  between 
those  who  favored  a  Republican  State  ticket 
and  those  who  wished  to  "Turn  Texas  loose" 
by  instructing  for  no  particular  candidate. 

Concerning  the  proceedings  of  the  last  day  of 
the  convention,  the  Galveston  News  reported : 
"Cuney  saved  the  day  by  quiet  work  and  a  well- 
timed  speech.  The  people  who  were  against 
Clark  sent  their  people  to  the  front  and  kept 
up  a  continuous  cheering.  Arch  Cochran  made 
a  flash  movement  and  things  had  a  squally  look 
judging  from  appearances.  Behind  the  chair 
man  sat  Cuney.  He  waited  until  the  anti- 
endorsers  had  spent  their  eloquence.  When 
the  other  side  had  exhausted  its  eloquence,  a 
long,  lean  colored  delegate  got  up  on  a  chair  and 
yelled,  'Cuney/  Delegate  after  delegate  who 
had  been  sitting  as  still  as  a  wooden  Indian  while 


FIGHTING  TEE  "LILY  WHITES'9          157 

the  opposition  cheered,  waked  into  life  and  called 
for  the  Galveston  man. 

"The  speech  moved  the  convention.  His  scath 
ing  excoriation  of  Hoggism  and  third  partyism 
(Lily  White),  recalled  the  convention  from  its 
dream  of  being  free.  His  unyielding  advocacy 
of  Judge  Clark  as  the  only  man  the  Republicans 
could  vote  for  in  Texas,  blazed  the  way.  The 
others  followed.  The  Clark  people  had  their 
forces  well  in  hand.  Governor  Hogg  had  lieuten 
ants  on  the  ground.  Webster  Flanagan  told  a 
News  reporter  that  he  was  approached  by  one. 

"Bumor  said  Cluney  had  been  approached  by 
another,  but  when  asked  about  it,  Cuney  laughed 
and  held  his  peace/' 

After  the  debate  on  the  question,  the  vote 
was  taken  and  the  result  of  the  balloting  was 
an  endorsement  of  Judge  Clark.  When  the  vote 
was  announced,  the  hall  was  shaken  with  tre 
mendous  cheering,  and  the  recommendation 
made  unanimous. 

Because  of  the  criticism  occasioned  by  his 
advocacy  of  Judge  Clark,  father  published  the 
following  explanatory  letter: 

"In  view  of  the  result  of  the  recent  Fort 
Worth  Convention,  in  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
play  an  active  part,  I  have  been  called  upon  by 
many  friends,  who  were  not  present,  to  explain 
my  reasons  for  advocating  such  action. 

"Under  ordinary  circumstances  I  would  have 


158  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

favored  a  straight  Republican  ticket,  for  every 
one  knows  I  am  a  Republican  and  wish  to  uphold 
Republican  principles,  but  experience  has  taught 
me  that  we  could  not  accomplish  anything  for 
Texas  or  our  party  by  putting  a  ticket  in  the 
field.  We  have  an  undisputed  power  as  a  bal- 
lance  but  absolutely  no  power  as  a  prime  factor. 
The  largest  vote  we,  as  a  party,  ever  polled  in 
Texas  for  Governor  was  in  1890,  when  we  gave 
Gen.  Flanagan  77,000  votes. 

"I  knew  under  existing  circumstances,  that 
Mr.  Hogg,  Mr.  Clark  or  Mr.  Nugent  would  be 
the  next  Governor  of  Texas. 

"Realizing  that  it  was  a  state  matter,  and  in  no 
way  connected  with  National  politics,  and  real 
izing  that  every  citizen  of  Texas  owes  his  State 
a  great  and  solemn  obligation,  I  could  not  see 
wherein  I  was  untrue  to  the  National  party, 
to  which  I  belong,  in  advocating  the  recom 
mendation  of  Judge  Clark,  as  I  thought  best, 
to  the  support  of  the  Republicans  of  Texas. 

"I  examined  the  principles  advocated  by  each 
of  these  gentlemen,  as  to  the  best  political  and 
material  interest  of  the  State,  and  when  I  say 
that,  of  course,  I  mean  the  best  interest  of  each 
individual  in  his  daily  life.  I  considered  the 
condition  of  every  home  and  fireside — its  pros 
perity  and  happiness.  I  lost  sight  of  personal 
preferences  and  personal  prejudices. 

"It  is  almost  useless,  at  this  time,  to  go  into 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"          159 

details  and  state  specific  reasons,  as  I  shall  later 
on  do  so  before  the  people  of  Texas  when  I 
meet  them. 

"Mr.  Hogg  has  been  our  Governor  for  two 
years  and  what  has  been  the  result  ?  Stagnation 
in  business,  no  new  enterprises,  every  industry 
paralyzed,  money  driven  from  the  State,  the 
money  market  in  the  hands  of  a  few  at  the 
expense  of  the  many — this  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  rate  of  interest  has  gone  up  to  10  and  12 
per  cent.,  so  that  Texas  to-day  is  doing  business 
at  pawn  shop  rates.  Many  if  not  most  farmers 
are  borrowers,  and  it  is  strange  to  me  that  they 
and  their  fellow  citizens,  who  are  thinking  peo 
ple,  cannot  or  do  not  see  the  injuries  inflicted 
upon  them  by  the  reckless  class  of  legislation 
adopted  by  the  present  administration,  all  of 
which  goes  to  prove  the  total  incapacity  of  the 
administration  to  conduct  the  government 
in  the  interest  of  the  whole  people. 

"I  objected  to  Mr.  Nugent  because  he  is  in  line 
with  Mr.  Hogg ;  but  a  few  steps  removed  toward 
socialism  and  communism — for  instance,  the 
Government  ownership  of  railroads  and  the  sub- 
treasury.  His  principles  seek  to  undermine  our 
whole  system  of  business,  which  has  existed  for 
years,  and  under  which  our  country  has  become 
great  and  strong,  and  made  itself  the  foremost 
among  the  nations  of  the  world. 

"It  was  therefore  clear  to  me  for  the  foregoing 


160  NOKEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

reasons  and  others  too  plain  to  mention  that  the 
best  thing  for  the  Republicans  to  do  at  this  junc 
ture,  important  to  all  the  vital  interests  of  the 
State,  was  to  refrain  from  putting  a  State  ticket 
in  the  field  and  lend  a  helping  hand  to  that 
element  most  likely  to  remove  the  disastrous 
effect  of  the  Hogg  Hurricane,  universally  admit 
ted  to  be  the  worst  which  has  ever  swept  over 
Texas. 

"The  Convention  has  now  passed  into  history 
and  the  atmosphere  has  cleared,  and  looking 
dispassionately  at  its  work  I  am  more  than  ever 
fully  convinced  that  it  has  done  a  wise,  saga 
cious  and  patriotic  piece  of  work  which  will 
redound  to  its  credit  through  all  the  coming 
years.  It  seems  to  be  forgotten  by  many  persons 
that  this  is  not  the  first  time  our  party  has 
deemed  it  best  to  support  an  outsider,  as  it  were, 
for  Governor,  and  this  too  when  the  dark  clouds 
of  business  depression  were  not  lowering  over 
our  State. 

"The  Republican  party  is  not  a  cast  iron  insti 
tution,  it  is  reasonable,  flexible,  liberal  and 
patriotic,  and  has  given  an  example  of  wisdom 
and  devotion  to  Texas  in  this  matter  of  which 
every  Republican  has  cause  to  feel  proud. 

"In  conclusion  let  me  say :  The  Republican  party 
has  clothed  itself  with  a  new  dignity  which  should 
be  worn  by  every  member  of  it  with  pride  and 
pleasure.  At  a  single  stride  you  have  gone  to  the 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"          161 

very  front  of  the  procession  with  a  compact 
organization  of  one  hundred  thousands  votes; 
you  have  subordinated  all  personal  ambition 
and,  prompted  by  patriotism  alone,  have  laid 
your  offering  at  the  feet  of  Texas,  that  she  might 
live.  Your  action  challenges  the  admiration  of 
the  world  and  the  applause  of  your  countrymen ; 
you  have  served  notice  on  ignorance,  stupidity 
and  prejudice  that  you  are  not  to  be  cajoled 
nor  caught  with  any  by-play  of  affectionate 
solicitude  for  your  welfare,  when  the  very  mis 
chief  which  the  administration  declares  its  inten 
tion  to  subdue,  has  been  raised  and  cruelly 
enacted  in  many  parts  of  our  State,  because  the 
powers  now  at  Austin  are  wanting  in  ability,  or 
disposition,  or  both  so  to  rule  Texas  that  such 
disorder  would  be  impossible.  "We  want  a  Gov 
ernor  whose  administration  will  prevent  wrong, 
not  one  whose  friends  incite  it  and  then  declare 
he  will  hunt  down  the  evil  doers  and  repair  the 
wrong.  What  reparation  can  be  made  to  the 
orphan  and  the  widow  ?  They  fool  us  sometimes, 
but  cannot  do  so  all  the  time. 

"And  let  me  say  here  that  under  our  system 
of  government  there  is  no  power  lodged  in  the 
Governor  to  stop  lynching.  He  can  call  out  the 
militia,  and  shoot  down  the  mob  if  they  refuse 
to  disperse,  but  the  lynchers  do  their  work 
quietly  and  retire  to  their  homes  and  if  the  com 
munity  is  in  sympathy  with  them  THAT  is  THE 


162  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

LAW.  The  only  way  to  stop  lynching  is  to  build 
up  a  healthy  public  sentiment  all  over  the  State, 
which  will  condemn  it  as  a  crime  against  the  law, 
humanity  and  God. 

"What  I  have  been  to  you  and  the  party  in 
the  past  twenty-two  years  of  my  public  life  I 
shall  be  to  you  in  the  future.  Every  hope  we 
have  is  interwoven  with  the  life  of  Texas.  'Let 
us  have  peace/  and  through  industry  and  educa 
tion  and  loyalty  to  our  home  make  it  what  God 
and  nature  designed  it — the  grandest  common 
wealth  of  them." 

Discussing  a  brief  which  Gov.  Hogg  submit 
ted  to  the  people,  the  Galveston  News,  in  an  edi 
torial  of  Oct.  2d,  said:  "Whatever  may  be  said 
of  Mr.  Cuney,  his  language  in  public  discussion 
is  notably  that  of  a  gentleman.  Admitting  that 
Cuney,  Clark  and  their  respective  adherents 
were  willing,  in  a  mortally  dangerous  emergency, 
to  meet  each  other  half  way  as  patriotic  citizens 
to  rescue  and  redeem  Texas,  if  need  be  at  the 
sacrifice  of  their  respective  parties,  where  is  the 
reproach  of  such  subordination  of  love  of  party 
to  love  of  country  in  such  an  emergency?  Is 
it  opprobrious  for  Texans  to  be  first  of  all  for 
the  salvation  of  Texas?" 

The  Colorado  (Texas)  Times  said:  "Of  late 
the  Galveston  News  seems  to  have  a  mighty  fine 
opinion  of  the  Republicans — it  depends  upon 
them  to  save  the  State!  And  with  the  Negro 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"          163 

at  the  head  of  that  party  too  ?  Lord,  upon  what 
evil  times  have  we  fallen !" 

The  News  immediately  replied:  "You  have 
survived  them  a  good  while.  The  Negro  vote  has 
controlled  Colorado  County  ever  since  the  war." 

This  contest  for  Governor  was  one  of  the  most 
exciting  ever  held  in  the  State.  Senator  Coke 
started  the  battle  cry  for  Hogg,  with  the  slogan 
of  the  three  C's— "Clark,  Cuney,  and  the  Coons." 
There  were  no  dull  moments  in  the  campaign. 
Father  constantly  traveled,  making  many  politi 
cal  speeches.  Souvenirs  of  the  campaign  found 
their  way  to  our  home;  one  the  tall  gray  hat, 
insignia  of  the  Clark  followers. 

It  was  rightfully  charged  that  the  Negroes 
were  supporting  Gov.  Hogg.  A  number  of  the 
colored  Republican  voters  could  not  be  per 
suaded  to  vote  for  a  Democrat,  though  the  candi 
date  be  a  Progressive,  while  in  a  few  cases,  the 
motive,  unfortunately,  was  not  that  of  party 
loyalty.  The  Populist  party,  in  the  State  as  in 
the  country  at  large,  made  further  division  of 
the  vote  of  the  two  old  parties,  and  thus  the  State 
was  carried  for  the  regular  Democrats  by  Gov 
ernor  Hogg. 

In  1893,  when  Grover  Cleveland  had  been 
inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  appointment  of  father's  successor  for 
Collector  of  Customs  was  expected,  the  repre 
sentative  men  of  the  city,  Democrats  and  Repub- 


164  NOEBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

licans,  sent  a  petition  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  at  Washington,  asking  for  his  retention 
as  long  as  a  Democratic  administration  could 
consistently  maintain  him  there,  and  added,  "We 
owe  it  to  fairness  and  candor,  to  say  that  the 
office  has  been  managed  admirably;  in  every 
department  the  utmost  courtesy  has  always 
been  shown,  and  where  needed,  willing  aid  to 
facilitate  our  business  with  promptness,  intel 
ligence  and  care.  Some  of  us  endorsed  Mr. 
Cuney  at  the  time  of  his  appointment;  all  of 
us  endorse  him  as  an  able  and  faithful  servant 
at  the  approach  of  his  probable  retirement." 

The  signatures  appended  were  those  of  men 
who  represented  the  wealth  and  business  interests 
of  the  District,  and  thier  friendly  act  of  endorse 
ment,  under  the  circumstances,  was  greatly  com 
mented  on. 

At  the  appointment  of  his  Democratic  succes 
sor,  father  retired  from  office  with  the  good  will 
and  best  wishes  of  all  the  patrons  of  the  Cus 
tom  House.  After  leaving  official  life,  father 
continued  the  business  of  stevedoring.  Later, 
entering  the  business  of  building  contracting, 
he  became  one  of  the  firm  of  Clark  and  Company. 
Among  the  buildings  contracted  for  and  erected 
were  the  Waller  County  Court  House  and  the 
M.  E.  (White)  Church  of  Houston,  regarded  as 
one  of  the  finest  structures  in  the  State.. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1893,  I  wrote  father 


FIGHTING  THE  "LILY  WHITES"          165 

of  a  visit  I  had  made  to  the  night  schools  of 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  with  a  friend  who  taught 
there  in  the  schools.  I  was  impressed  with  the 
helpfulness  of  the  work  and  asked  if  something 
could  not  be  done  toward  the  establishment  of 
night  schools  in  Galveston. 

The  last  Census  enumeration  had  brought  out 
the  fact  that  one-third  of  the  children  of  Gal 
veston  within  scholastic  age,  could  not  attend  the 
day  schools.  Many  worked  at  home  or  were 
employed  in  the  Santa  Fe  shops  and  the  cotton 
mill.  There  were  older  people  too — men  and 
women  of  color  who  had  lacked  opportunity  in 
youth,  to  whom  the  schools  would  prove  benefi 
cial. 

On  January  8th  father  wrote  me,  "I  sent  you 
the  News  to-day  which  will  show  you  that  your 
papa  has  acted  on  the  suggestion  of  his  dear 
little  girl  about  the  Public  Night  School.  Think 
of  what  a  loyal  little  Galvestonian  you  are — to 
you  and  you  alone  will  be  due  this  great  service 
to  humanity  and  the  place  that  gave  you  birth. 
How  proud  I  am  of  you,  my  dear  one.  The 
whole  city  is  alive  with  the  idea.  I  shall  push 
it  for  all  there  is  in  it  for  you,  dear." 

And  again  January  9th:  "I  wrote  you  yes 
terday  but  failed  to  send  the  clipping  from  the 
News  of  that  date.  I  shall  send  you  everything 
of  importance  that  takes  place  relating  to  the 
night  school.  I  am  very  hopeful  of  having  your 


166  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

suggestion  put  into  effect  by  the  first  of  next 
month/' 

A  clipping  from  the  Galveston  Neivs  of  Feb. 
2d  read:  "February  first  1893,  three  free  night 
schools  were  established  in  Galveston  by  the 
Board  of  School  Trustees.  The  attendance, 
double  what  had  been  expected,  demonstrated 
the  need  of  these  institutions."  There  were  two 
schools  for  white  and  one  for  colored  pupils. 
Much  praise  is  due  Pres.  R.  B.  Hawley  of  the 
school  board  and  Supt.  Cooper,  who  made  the 
result  possible. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
LINING  UP  FOR  BATTLE. 

DURING  the  following  year,  there  were  sus 
picious  actions  on  the  part  of  those  who  were 
supposed  to  wield  powerful  influence  within 
the  Republican  party,  that  led  to  the  belief  that 
there  were  plans  on  foot  to  make  another  strong 
effort  to  turn  the  party  organization  over  to  the 
alien  body — the  "Lily  White"  Republicans. 

In  an  interview  on  April  16,  1894,  Hon.  N.  B. 
Moore,  Chairman  of  the  State  Republican  Execu 
tive  Committee,  asserted  of  the  "Lily  Whites" 
that  "there  were  no  better  or  more  patriotic  Re 
publicans  in  the  State  than  the  men  who  differed 
with  us  in  1892.  These  men  will  re-unite  with 
us.  It  is  going  to  be  but  little  trouble  for  us 
to  harmonize.  Representatives  of  the  opposing 
factions  have  conferred  with  me  and  in  every 
instance,  I  have  found  them,  like  us,  anxious 
for  a  settlement  of  the  differences  upon  some 
basis  honorable  alike  to  all,  and  humiliating 
to  none.  Of  the  result,  I  feel  assured." 

The  "Lily  White"  Republicans,  with  the  pros 
pects  of  re-union,  perfected  their  plans  for  party 
167 


168  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

control  in  the  State.  In  May,  Chairman  Goodell 
of  the  State  "Lily  White"  Republican  Execu 
tive  Committee,  issued  a  call  indorsing  the 
"census  plan"  of  organization,  frankly  proclaim 
ing  "the  idea  is  to  separate  the  races  in 
primaries  as  they  are  in  schools,  churches  and 
railroads,  and  to  give  them  a  fixed  and  certain 
representation." 

Father  was  asked  by  a  News  reporter,  what 
he  inferred  from  the  condition  of  affairs.  He 
replied:  "In  the  Republican  party  there  are  no 
factions.  There  may  be  differences  of  opinion 
upon  questions  of  party  policy,  but  we  have  but 
one  organization.  All  our  differences  will  be 
adjusted  in  the  convention  hall. 

"There  is  no  common  ground  upon  which  the 
Republicans  can  stand  with  the  'Lily  Whites/ 
That  party  has  but  one  element  of  faith,  namely : 
'That  the  Negro  shall  always  remain  in  a  state 
of  tutelage,  immature  and  unfit  to  exercise  any 
political  privilege  but  that  of  blindly  voting 
the  party  ticket,  or  furnishing  the  victims  at 
election  riots  and  supplying  the  article  for  sec 
tional  hatred.  Any  assumption  of  independent 
political  thought  is  offensive  to  the  'Lily  White' 
and  any  Negro  pretending  to  distinction  in  the 
party  is  met  with  furious  denunciation/  who 
can  say  the  Negro  is  Republican  for  the  office? 
He  evidently  does  not  get  them. 

"The  basis  of  representation  has  always  been 


LINING  UP  FOE  BATTLE  169 

the  vote  for  president  at  the  preceding  election. 
I  do  not  believe  there  will  be  any  departure  from 
that  rule  this  year. 

"But  I  may  say  to  you  that  I  have  letters  from 
many  friends  which  they  have  received  from 
'Lily  Whites'  and  their  co-adjutors  in  the 
party,  urging  what  they  term  the  'census  plan'  of 
representation.  According  to  this  scheme,  repre 
sentation  in  our  State  shall  be  divided  between 
the  whites  and  the  Negroes  in  a  ratio  shown 
by  the  census  of  1890,  to  exist  between  the  races 
in  the  State,  irrespective  of  party  affiliation. 
The  proposition,  in  my  mind,  is  an  unqualified 
absurdity.  It  is  unnecessary  and  unjust ;  unjust 
because  it  gives  unmerited  and  paramount  influ 
ence  to  the  minority  of  the  party,  not  achieved 
by  intellectual  and  moral  superiority.  Unneces 
sary,  because  the  whites  have  always  out-num 
bered  the  Negroes  in  our  State  Conventions." 

A  week  later,  Goodell  said:  "I  have  read  the 
recent  interview  of  N.  W.  Cuney,  the  late  colored 
leader,  and  note  his  usual  appeal  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  race,  but  it  is  also  evident  that  he  has 
directed  his  attention  to  the  handwriting  on 
the  wall  and  realizes  that,  like  Othello,  his 
occupation  will  soon  be  gone. 

"There  seems  to  be  a  general  desire  for  har 
mony  in  the  Republican  party,  but  just  what 
steps  will  be  taken,  if  any,  during  the  conven 
tion  of  the  State  League  of  Republican  Clubs 


170  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

on  June  12th,  I  am  unable  to  state.  It  is  belived 
that  the  occasion  will  witness  a  gathering  of 
the  wisdom  and  brains  and  energy  of  the  party 
such  as  has  not  been  seen  for  years,  and  it  is 
possible  that  from  the  wisdom  and  lofty  patriot 
ism  assembled  there  may  emanate  some  plan 
by  which  a  reconciliation  may  be  effected  and 
the  party  strengthened  for  the  battles  of  the 
future.  Cuney's  presence  will  undoubtedly 
have  a  large  influence  upon  some  members  of 
Judge  Moore's  committee,  who  have  hitherto 
been  accustomed  to  his  manipulation,  but  1 
believe  the  majority  of  the  white  leaders  and 
the  better  element  of  the  colored  people  have, 
for  some  time  past,  been  quietly  undergoing  a 
change  of  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  effect  of 
Cuney's  control  upon  the  future  prospects  of 
the  Republican  party  of  Texas." 

Father  was  not  a  member  of  the  Republican 
State  Committee,  but  he  had  been  named  in  the 
Galveston  County  convention  held  Aug.  21,  as 
a  delegate  to  the  State  convention  which  was  to 
meet  at  Dallas. 

Differences  had  risen  between  the  colored  Re 
publicans  of  the  county  over  the  representation 
in  the  State  convention,  but  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  disgruntled  members  who  attempted 
an  ineffective  split,  the  trouble  was  amicably 
adjusted.  This  was  not  difficult  since  the  two 
wings  were  attached  to  the  same  principles.  The 


LINING  UP  FOE  BATTLE  171 

final  compromise  was  the  one  originally  pro 
posed  by  the  Cuneyites;  the  anti-Cuney  faction 
accepted  the  chairmanship  and  two-thirds  of  the 
Executive  Committee,  while  they  conceded  two- 
thirds  of  the  Dallas  delegation  to  the  Cuney 
wing. 

The  State  convention  met  at  Dallas  on  Aug. 
28th,  with  about  800  delegates  in  attendance.  In 
the  opening  address  made  by  chairman  N.  B. 
Moore,  he  asked  that  the  "Lily  Whites"  return 
to  the  fold  and  extended  them  a  welcome.  The 
first  cry  of  fusion,  strange  to  say,  came  from 
a  Negro  delegate,  L.  M.  Sublett,  the  colored 
Hogg  leader  of  McLennan  County.  He  was 
answered  by  a  spontaneous  cry  of  "No  fusion ! 
No  fusion!  Put  him  out!" 

In  the  session  held  by  the  Executive  Commit 
tee  to  perfect  temporary  organization,  Webster 
Flanagan,  candidate  of  the  Cuney  wing,  was 
defeated  by  the  anti-Cuneyite,  Wilbur  F.  Craw 
ford,  who  was  named  as  temporary  chairman. 

This  first  defeat  for  the  Cuneyites  was  fol 
lowed  by  one  which  was  considered  more  dis 
astrous.  During  the  afternoon  session,  the 
appointment  of  Committees  on  Permanent  Or 
ganization,  Credentials,  and  Platforms  and  Reso 
lutions  were  announced  by  Mr.  Crawford.  In 
reply  to  protests,  he  stated  that  he  had  appointed 
those  he  deemed  the  wisest.  But  one  member 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  was  said  to  be 


172  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

known  as  friendly  to  father.  Prospects  looked 
bright  for  the  friends  of  "harmonious  re-union." 

At  the  close  of  the  day's  proceedings,  the 
press  with  flaring  head-lines  of  "Black  eye  for 
Cuney,"  reported  that  "Cuney  was  routed,  foot, 
horse  and  dragon!" 

On  the  following  day,  when  the  convention 
assembled,  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organi 
zation  reported  the  appointment  of  Webster 
Flanagan  as  permanent  chairman.  He  was 
received  with  a  splendid  ovation.  Much  time 
was  consumed  by  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Credentials  and  the  subsequent  decision  of 
contests.  William  H.  McDonald,  a  young  col 
ored  Republican  of  Kaufman  County,  who  was 
now  rising  into  prominence,  carried  his  point 
in  the  Navarre  case.  The  fight  between  the 
Rentfro  and  Maris  factions  was  decided  favor 
ably  for  Rentfro  and,  after  a  sharp  fight,  the 
Galveston  County  (Cuney)  delegation  was 
seated. 

A  motion  was  made  to  nominate  a  State  ticket. 
Judge  Wm.  K.  Makemson  of  Williamson  received 
the  nomination  for  Governor  by  acclamation. 
R.  B.  Rentfro  was  nominated  for  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  while  A.  H.  Colwell,  a  colored  dele 
gate  of  Brazos,  was  nominated  for  Supt.  of 
Public  Instruction. 

In  a  letter  written  by  Hon.  Charles  W.  Ogden 
of  San  Antonio  in  which  he  declined  the  use  of 


LINING  UP  FOE  BATTLE  173 

his  name  as  nominee  for  Governer,  he  stated 
that  he  "did  not  agree  with  the  ideas  upon  party 
organization  entertained  by  the  'Lily  Whites/ 
yet  it  seemed  that  every  true  Eepublican  ought 
to  co-operate  to  bring  about  a  perfect  and  har 
monious  re-union  of  all  Republicans  in  the 
State." 

It  was  now  seen,  however,  that  the  complexion 
of  the  convention  was  changing  and  the  "census 
plan,"  which  had  created  so  much  discussion,  was 
discarded  as  impracticable. 

The  big  fight  of  the  convention  came  during 
the  night  session,  over  the  Chairmanship  of 
the  Executive  Committee.  Father,  who  felt  that 
it  was  dangerous  longer  to  retain  Judge  Moore 
in  the  important  position  of  State  Chairman, 
was  represented  in  the  fight  by  the  candidacy 
of  Dr.  John  Grant  of  Sherman — the  Republican 
candidate  for  Congress  from  his  district  in  1892. 
Father's  enemies,  together  with  Charles  Fer 
guson  and  his  brother  Henry,  fought  for  the 
re-election  of  Judge  Moore. 

The  press  reported  the  closing  scene  of  the 
Convention  as  follows:  "R.  B.  Hawley  of  Gal- 
veston  proceeded  formally  to  put  Grant's  name 
before  the  Convention.  A.  H.  Colwell  seconded 
the  nomination  and  said  that  to  defeat  him 
would  be  to  put  the  seal  of  condemnation  upon 
the  greatest  Negro  in  Texas  or  any  other  State. 
The  calls  for  Cuney  became  uproarious,  and  he 


174  NOERIS  WRIGHT  CUNET 

finally  appeared  upon  the  platform  to  the  delight 
of  his  friends  who  gave  him  a  rousing  reception. 
Cuney  proceeded  to  second  the  nomination  of  Dr. 
Grant  and  incidentally  branched  off  in  a  scath 
ing  arraignment  of  the  present  machine." 

Other  speeches  followed,  in  which  the  con 
vention  was  urged  "not  to  be  carried  away  by  the 
siren's  voice  nor  driven  by  the  whip."  When  the 
roll  was  called  it  was  found  that  Dr.  Grant 
was  elected  Chairman  of  the  State  Executive 
Committee  by  a  vote  of  368  to  247.  Wm.  Edgar 
Easton,  a  colored  Republican  and  friend  of 
father,  was  named  Secretary  of  the  State  Com 
mittee. 

The  press  head-lines  were  changed  to  read: 
"The  Black  and  Tans,  led  by  Wright  Cuney, 
won  everything  they  fought  for  in  the  Conven 
tion.  The  permanent  organization  of  the  con 
vention,  the  State  ticket  personnel,  the  Executive 
Committee  management  for  the  next  two  years 
were  all  shaped  to  Cuney's  liking.  His  oppo 
nents  discovered  that  Cuney  could  not  be  downed 
and  the  fight  against  him  for  the  time  being 
was  abandoned." 

It  was  known  that  father  was  not  without 
enemies  within  his  own  race,  and  this  fact 
caused  the  Echo,  of  Jan.  2,  1895,  to  say :  "The 
man  who  attempts  to  belittle  Cuney  to  reach  the 
climax  of  his  own  ambition  as  Republican  leader 
of  this  State,  injures  his  cause,  destroys  sym- 


LINING  UP  FOE  BATTLE  175 

pathy  and  becomes  a  wreck  as  soon  as  his  selfish 
purposes  are  made  known,  for  Cuney  is  woven 
and  interwoven  into  the  very  hearts  of  the  people 
of  Texas.  His  name  is  a  by-word  in  the  home 
of  every  Negro  in  the  State.  What  Mr.  Cuney 
is  to-day,  it  will  take  the  life  time  of  more 
than  one  man,  for  any  cither  Negro  in  the  State 
to  reach." 

In  February  of  this  year  occurred  the  death 
of  the  statesman  and  noted  man  of  color,  Fred 
erick  Douglass.  Father  delivered  the  oration 
at  the  memorial  services  held  in  Galveston.  He 
had  an  unbounded  admiration  for  Mr.  Douglass, 
whom  he  considered  not  only  a  great  moral  and 
social  reformer,  but  one  of  the  greatest  men  of 
his  time. 

On  March  26th  father  was  nominated  for 
Senator  from  the  Seventeenth  Senatorial  Dis 
trict,  an  honor  which  he  declined.  His  business 
now  demanded  considerable  travel  in  the  State 
and  political  matters  required  thought  and 
attention,  yet  he  found  time  for  active  interest 
in  the  founding  of  an  Orphan's  Home  for  colored 
children  at  Mexia,  and  to  consider  the  needs 
and  progress  of  the  colored  educational  institutes 
in  the  State. 

In  June,  when  I  returned  home  for  my  vaca 
tion  from  the  Conservatory  in  Boston,  via  the 
Mallory  Line  from  New  York,  I  was  disap 
pointed  to  see  father  alone  on  the  wharf  to  meet 


176  NOERIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

me.  "While  impatiently  awaiting  the  docking 
of  the  steamer,  I  called  out  greetings  to  father 
and  asked ;  "Where  is  Mother — how  is  she  ?" 

I  could  not  catch  his  reply,  but  noticed  that  he 
turned  his  head  away.  I  was  afraid — and  my 
heart  ached.  Mother  had  suffered  for  years  from 
tuberculosis,  but  enjoying  yearly  travel  and  ten- 
derest  care,  she  was  always  cheerful  and  active, 
and  was  always  first  to  welcome  me  after  a  long 
absence. 

Mother  greeted  me  at  the  door  of  our  home — 
she  was  making  a  brave  effort,  for  my  sake,  to 
be  herself,  but  I  immediately  saw  that  her  health 
was  now  in  a  condition  to  cause  anxiety. 

The  atmosphere  of  Galveston  is  heavy  and 
damp,  so  we  did  not  remain  long  at  home.  A 
visit  to  San  Antonio,  in  the  western  part  of 
the  State,  had  proven  beneficial  before,  and  here, 
to  our  great  joy,  mother  rapidly  improved. 

Life  was  very  happy  there.  San  Antonio,  a 
piece  bitten  out  of  Old  Mexico,  is  full  of  an  old, 
quaint  charm.  The  people  are  lovable  and  my 
mother  who  was  still  a  young  woman,  was  the 
dearest  of  companions. 

"When  we  had  been  there  a  number  of  weeks, 
a  friend  persuaded  us  to  take  a  little  journey  to 
Mexico.  We  were  not  very  far  from  that  coun 
try — a  night's  journey  brought  us  to  the  Mexi 
can  border.  We  visited  Monterey,  Topo  Chico 
Springs  and  Saltillo.  Mother  enjoyed  the  won- 


LINING  UP  FOE  BATTLE  177 

derful  gardens  in  the  midst  of  the  foot-hills  of 
the  Sierra  Madre  mountains,  but  she  grew  no 
stronger.  We  returned  shortly  to  San  Antonio, 
where  father  came  often  to  see  us.  The  San 
Antonio  Express,  with  other  local  papers,  lost 
sight  of  his  private  life,  and  discussing  his  pur 
pose  in  coming  to  the  'city,  declared  it  was  to 
bolster  up  his  political  power. 

Leaving  San  Antonio  for  Austin,  a  city  almost 
as  well  known  as  a  health  resort,  mother  and  I 
attended  the  Teacher's  State  Convention.  We 
lingered  in  Austin,  for  mother  grew  weaker,  and 
knowing  it  to  be  impossible  for  her  to  return  to 
Galveston,  father  took  a  cottage  that  she  might 
have  home  comfort  during  her  illness. 

She  steadily  grew  worse,  and  on  October  first, 
at  the  age  of  39  years,  she  died.  Father  was 
crushed  and  so  utterly  heart-broken  that  the 
final  arrangements  for  our  sad  return  to  Gal 
veston  were  necessarily  completed  by  me. 

I  have  no  fitting  words  with  which  to  pay 
tribute  to  my  mother.  It  was  written  of  her, 
"She  was  charitable,  sincere,  strongly  cognizant 
of  duties  assigned  her  in  the  proper  training 
and  education  of  her  children.  Matched  with 
a  master  man,  she  was  no  less  than  a  promoter 
of  his  welfare  and  a  counselor  in  his  endeavors. 
She  possessed  a  deep,  abiding  interest  in  his 
success  and  shared  it  to  the  end." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  FIRST  DEFEAT. 

BEFORE  many  months  had  passed  father  was 
hurled  into  one  of  the  most  bitter  contests  of  his 
life.  Anticipating  the  campaign  of  1896,  he 
supported  Wm.  B.  Allison  of  Iowa,  against  Wm. 
McKinley  of  Ohio  for  the  nomination. 

James  S.  Clarkson  of  Iowa,  loyal  and  of  abid 
ing  friendship,  was  working  for  Mr.  Allison's 
interests  in  the  East.  The  McKinley  forces 
were  under  the  leadershinp  of  Marcus  A.  Hanna. 
Mr.  Croley  in  his  recent  biography  of  Mr.  Hanna 
states  that  in  1895,  "Mr.  Hanna  rented  a  house 
in  Thomasville,  Georgia,  where  he  and  Mr. 
McKinley  met  all  comers,  regardless  of  color, 
and  collared  the  Southern  delegates  on  the 
quiet."  But  Mr.  Hanna  found  it  impossible  to 
swerve  Wright  Cuney  of  Texas ;  a  fact  that  Mr. 
Hanna  did  not  forget  when  he  acted  as  Chair 
man  of  the  National  Committee  during  the 
McKinley  campaign. 

It  was  Mr.  Hanna's  desire  that  the  manage 
ment,  in  Texas,  of  the  McKinley  candidacy  for 
the  presidential  nomination,  should  be  in  the 
178 


THE  FIRST  DEFEAT  179 

hands  of  father.  In  March,  1895,  Joseph  P. 
Smith  wrote  father  from  Newport: 

"Am  here  with  Governor  McKinley  as  guest 
of  Hon.  M.  A.  Hanna,  of  Cleveland,  who  asks 
me  to  write  and  extend  you  a  most  cordial  invita 
tion  to  visit  him  here  prior  to  Wednesday,  March 
20th.  He  desires  to  confer  with  you  regarding 
matters  of  mutual  interest  and  will  be  much 
pleased  to  renew  the  acquaintance  he  formed 
with  you  at  the  National  Conventions  of  1888 
and  1895.  Please  write  or  wire  me  on  receipt 
of  this  note  whether  you  can  come  or  not  and 
when." 

On  March  16,  1895,  Mr.  Hanna  sent  father 
the  following  telegram  from  Thomasville,  Ga. 

"Can  you  meet  General  William  Osborne  for 
important  political  conference  Pickwick  Club 
Hotel,  New  Orleans,  next  Tuesday,  March  Nine^ 
teenth.  Please  wire  answer  to-day." 

Father's  answer  was, 

"My  family  ill  in  San  Antonio  and  much  as 
I  would  like  to  meet  Gen.  Osborne  I  dare  not 
leave  home.  Would  greatly  like  to  see  you  here." 

Thereupon  Hanna  wrote  this  letter, 

"Remembering  you  in  '84  and  '88,  I  have  felt 
anxious  to  have  a  talk  with  you  about  '96  and 
hope  I  may  find  that  you  are  favorable  to  our 
Governor  (McKinley).  Jim  Hill  of  Mississippi 
has  been  here  and  was  going  to  New  Orleans 
soon.  I  told  him  I  wished  he  would  run  over 


180  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

to  Galveston  and  see  you,  that  he  might  give  you 
my  ideas  as  to  the  situation.  Jos.  P.  Smith, 
our  Ohio  State  Librarian,  is  with  the  Gov. 
acting  as  his  sec.  He  tells  me  that  his 
wife  is  in  Galveston  on  a  visit  to  his  parents 
and  that  he  is  going  after  her  some  time  next 
month.  So  you  will  probably  see  him  and  any 
thing  he  may  say  to  you  will  be  'from  the  book' 
—I  have  done  no  missionary  work  in  Texas  as 
I  have  had  the  feeling  that  you  would  be  for 
McKinley  and  I  fully  appreciate  the  value  of 
your  leadership." 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Galveston,  Mr.  Hill 
breakfasted  with  father  and  an  intimate  group 
of  friends.  As  mother  was  out  of  the  city,  I 
acted  as  hostess.  I  well  remember  Mr.  Hill's 
disappointment  at  being  unable  to  persuade 
father  to  join  the  McKinley  forces. 

On  being  informed  of  his  attitude,  Mr.  Haniia 
again  wrote  to  father  in  the  following  terms: 
"I  will  say  to  you  frankly  that  I  am  very 
anxious  to  have  you  take  charge  of  Gov.  Mc- 
Kinley's  interests  in  Texas,  which  I  feel  should 
soon  receive  some  attention.  I  appreciate  that 
it  is  something  of  a  task  to  fully  perfect  an 
organization  and  that  there  would  be  expenses, 
etc.,  which  no  one  should  be  asked  to  bear  alone. 
Then  as  to  the  proper  men  from  whom  to  ask 
assistance  in  the  several  Dist's — I  will  gladly 
co-operate  in  all  this  and  write  personal  letters 


THE  FIEST  DEFEAT  181 

to  those  whom  you  may  suggest — where  you 
think  it  would  have  influence.  And  in  any 
other,  way  do  all  I  can  to  assist  you,  all  con 
tingent  of  course  upon  your  willingness  in  the 
matter.  I  write  you  this  in  confidence  because 
I  have  understood  that  you  were  friendly  to 
Gov.  McKinley.  If  you  have  seen  Joe  Smith 
he  will  have  told  you  how  favorable  everything 
is  for  the  Gov.  and  I  assure  you  I  can  see  no 
reason  why  all  our  hopes  should  not  materialize. 
I  am  going  home  to  Cleveland  on  Wednesday 
and  will  hope  to  hear  from  you  soon." 

Eventually  Mr.  Hanna  found  it  necessary  to 
place  the  formation  of  the  McKinley  organiza 
tion  in  Texas  in  other  hands,  as  father's  alliance 
with  the  Allison  supporters  was  firm. 

For  some  months  prior  to  the  date  of  the  assem 
bling  of  the  State  Convention  there  were  fierce 
struggles  between  the  opposing  elements  of  the 
party  in  almost  every  county  of  the  State,  over 
the  election  of  delegates  to  the  State  Conven 
tion,  as  well  as  dissensions  in  the  Congressional 
districts  over  the  election  of  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention. 

There  were  rumors  of  combinations  being 
made  between  the  Allison  and  McKinley  forces, 
the  McKinley  and  Reed  forces,  and  the  Allison 
and  Reed  forces,  it  being  recognized  that  no 
one  element  had  sufficient  strength  to  control 
the  convention.  Before  the  convention  as- 


182  NOZKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

sembled,  the  press  reported :  "Mr.  Cuney  appears 
to  be  the  central  figure  and  no  man  is  more 
eagerly  sought  than  he.  There  seems  to  be  a 
sort  of  concentrated  fight  against  the  noted  Gal- 
vestonian,  but  so  far  he  is  holding  his  own,  and 
says  he  will  stand  pat,  come  what  may." 

It  had  been  further  rumored  that  there  was 
a  well  matured  plan  of  the  McKinley  followers 
to  capture  the  convention  by  physical  force,  if 
need  be,  and  thus  compel  the  Cuney  followers 
to  take  the  attitude  of  bolters.  The  concentrated 
manner  in  which  the  attack  in  the  convention 
was  finally  made,  seemed  to  confirm  this. 

On  March  24,  the  State  Convention  met  at 
Austin.  The  attendance  was  the  largest  in  the 
history  of  the  party  in  the  State.  It  was  notice 
able  for  the  number  of  intelligent  young  col 
ored  politicians:  Win.  H.  McDonald,  W.  E. 
King,  S.  C.  McCoy,  Webster  Wilson,  L.  B. 
Kinchion,  M.  M.  Rodgers,  W.  H.  Ellis,  Emmett 
J»  Scott,  and  others,  as  well  as  the  largest  white 
contingent  ever  seen  at  a  Texas  Republican 
State  Convention. 

Among  men  of  prominence  were  R.  B.  Rent- 
fro,  R.  B.  Hawley,  Eugene  Marshall,  Wm, 
K.  Makemson,  A.  J.  Rosenthal,  Thad  Bell,  E. 
H.  Terrell,  Webster  Flanagan,  C.  G.  Clifford 
and  W.  B.  Brush.  There  were  McKinley  emis 
saries  too,  on  hand,  Col.  Herrick  and  Col.  Pol 
lard,  ostensibly  passing  through  the  State. 


THE  FIRST   DEFEAT  183 

Many  distinguished  Democrats  appeared  as  vis 
itors:  Ex-Gov.  Hogg,  Gov.  Culberson,  Treasurer 
Wortham  and  Adjutant  General  Mabry. 

Prior  to  the  calling  to  order  of  the  conven 
tion,  the  Reed  and  Allison  forces  effected  a  com 
bination.  Of  the  ante-convention  proceedings 
the  San  Antonio  Express  said:  "Interest  has 
been  intense  all  day,  but  in  the  midst  of  it  all, 
Cuney  appears  smiling  and  serene,  and  is  watch 
ing  every  movement  with  an  eagle  eye.  Presi 
dential  candidates  seem  to  be  a  secondary  con 
sideration  and  it  has  narrowed  down  to  a  fight 
of  the  combined  leaders  against  Mr.  Cuney. 
Late  last  evening  Cuney  discovered  that  some 
of  the  leaders  had  combined  against  him,  so 
after  a  conference  between  him  and  Chairman 
Grant,  he  threw  down  the  gauntlet  by  declaring 
himself  a  candidate  for  Temporary  Chairman." 

Father's  position  was  comprehended  by  his 
declaration:  "The  way  to  have  peace,  by  the 
eternal  gods,  is  to  fight  for  it."  Dr.  Grant's 
attitude  caused  surprise,  for  father  had  made 
one  of  the  hardest  political  fights  of  his  life 
at  Dallas  in  1894,  to  give  Grant  the  chairman 
ship.  It  was  known,  therefore,  that  Grant  was 
under  obligation  to  him. 

"Tell  Mr.  Cuney  I  will  give  him  one  hour  to 
withdraw  as  a  candidate  for  Temporary  Chair 
man,"  was  Dr.  Grant's  reply  to  father's  an 
nouncement  of  his  candidacy.  "This  doubtless 


184  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

sounded  grandiloquent  to  Grant,"  said  the  Ex 
press,  "and  it  was  proud  incense  to  his  soul, 
but  he  paid  dearly  for  the  pleasure  he  got  from 
it." 

Preceding  the  opening  of  the  convention  the 
Executive  Committee  convened.  From  one  of 
the  windows  of  father's  headquarters,  just  op 
posite  the  building  in  which  the  State  Executive 
Committee  held  their  meeting,  I  witnessed  the 
excited  eagerness  with  which  the  vast  crowds 
about  the  place  awaited  the  reports  of  the  delib 
erations  of  the  Committee. 

At  the  close,  when  it  became  known  that  the 
Committee  had  voted  to  recommend  father  as 
Temporary  Chairman,  friends  surrounded  him, 
as  he  appeared  on  the  street,  to  convey  to  him 
the  news  of  his  victory.  There  were  cries  of 
"Cuney  has  won!"  and  such  wild  enthusiasm 
that  he  was  caught  up  in  the  arms  of  friends  and 
carried  away  amid  deafening  yells. 

When  the  convention  assembled,  the  report  of 
the  executive  committee  recommending  father 
for  Temporary  Chairman  was  read.  The  vote 
in  the  Committee  was  17  to  11.  The  McKinley 
delegates,  bitter  over  the  action  of  the  Executive 
Committee  and,  at  the  same  time,  desiring  to 
make  a  test  of  their  strength  as  against  the 
Reed- Allison  combination,  proposed  Judge 
Eosenthal  as  a  substitute  for  temporary  chair 
man,  in  father's  stead.  A  vote  was  at  once  taken 


THE   F1EST   DEFEAT  185 

by  a  roll  call  with  the  result  that  father  re 
ceived  574  votes  to  227  for  Judge  Rosenthal. 

The  press  commented :  "It  was  a  great  victory, 
and  Cuney  can,  with  pardonable  pride,  con 
gratulate  himself  and  the  men  who  stood  so 
faithfully  by  him.  It  was  a  fight  to  the  finish, 
a  contest  in  which  the  very  existence  of  the 
Galveston  man  was  involved. 

"Notwithstanding  he  had  arrayed  against  him 
the  combined  opposition  of  the  Republican 
leaders,  with  the  exception  of  R.  B.  Hawley  and 
one  or  two  others,  he  did  not  shirk  the  gage 
of  battle  thrust  upon  him,  but  gamely  picked 
up  the  gauntlet  and  stood  to  his  guns. 

"He  was  the  victor  in  spite  of  the  odds  which 
he  had  to  overcome.  There  is  probably  not 
another  man  who  participated  in  the  convention, 
who  could  have  won  the  spurs,  now  worn  by 
Cuney,  in  such  a  contest." 

Ex-Gov.  Hogg,  who  had  been  watchful  of  the 
proceedings,  had  predicted  father's  victory, 
while  Treasurer  "Wortham  laughingly  remarked : 
"They  just  can't  down  Galveston  on  any 
thing." 

Prior  to  the  re-assembling  of  the  convention, 
father,  proposing  to  treat  the  McKinley  dele 
gates  fairly  in  the  preparation  of  the  lists  of 
committees  which  the  convention  had  ordered 
him  to  appoint,  sent  to  Dr.  Grant,  as  leader  of 
the  McKinley  forces,  and  to  Mr.  Hawley,  leader 


186  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

of  the  Reed  followers,  requesting  each  of  them 
to  make  suggestions  to  him  of  names  of  members 
for  the  various  committees. 

Owing  to  the  great  many  contests,  the  Creden 
tials  Committee  had  a  most  laborious  task.  Out 
of  a  total  membership  of  thirteen  there  were 
three  or  four  McKinley  men  on  the  Committee. 
In  nearly  every  case  passed  on,  however,  the 
cases  were  settled  by  a  practically  unanimous 
vote.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  final  adjournment  of 
the  committee,  there  had  been  no  mention  of 
a  minority  report. 

On  the  re-assembling  of  the  convention,  it 
was  found  that  the  McKinley  delegates  had,  as 
was  rumored,  entered  the  hall  and  taken  posses 
sion  of  the  prominent  seats  immediately  in  front 
of  the  platform,  enabling  them  seriously  to  ob 
struct  the  proceedings.  The  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Credentials  was  presented  and  a  mo 
tion  for  its  adoption  was  made  by  Eugene  Mar 
shall  of  Dallas,  and  promptly  seconded. 

Some  one  then  offered  to  present  a  minority 
report ;  as  no  minority  report  had  been  made 
when  the  committee  adjourned,  and  as  it  was 
learned  that  the  so-called  minority  report  had 
been  prepared  subsequently  to  the  final  ad 
journment  of  the  Credentials  Committee,  by 
delegates  who  were  not  members  of  the  com 
mittee,  the  temporary  chairman  declared  it  out 
of  order,  stating  that  the  only  question  before 


THE   FIEST   DEFEAT  187 

the  house  was  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the 
unanimous  report  of  the  committee. 

He  further  suggested  that  if  it  was  desired 
to  discuss  the  report  of  the  committee,  half  an 
hour  should  be  given  to  each  side,  and  that  then 
a  vote  should  be  taken  on  the  adoption  of  the 
report. 

The  McKinley  delegates,  noisy  and  boisterous, 
repeatedly  demanded  the  so-called  minority  re 
port.  The  delegates  of  the  Reed  and  Allison 
combination  constantly  clamored  for  a  roll  call 
on  the  previous  question,  but  the  McKinley  men 
defiantly  shouted  that  a  roll  call  should  not 
be  had,  and  then  with  noisy  demonstrations, 
attempted  to  block  the  proceedings  of  the  con 
vention. 

The  chairman  put  the  motion  for  a  viva  voce 
vote  on  the  previous  question.  The  motion  was 
at  last  adopted.  The  McKinley  delegates  laid 
much  stress  on  this  question  of  a  so-called 
minority  report  of  the  Committee  on  Creden 
tials,  and  the  refusal  of  the  chairman  to  re 
ceive  it,  and  charged  that  father  was  arbitrary 
and  unfair  in  his  ruling. 

While  these  preceedings  were  going  on  in 
the  convention  there  was  much  confusion  and, 
on  the  part  of  the  McKinley  delegates,  yells  and 
interruptions.  It  was  now  plainly  seen  that  the 
opposition  to  the  combination,  bitter  over  their 
defeat,  was  determined  to  obstruct  the  work 


188  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

of  the  convention  and  by  violent  methods  pre 
vent  any  action. 

^  E.  H.  Terrell,  W.  K.  Makemson,  Henry  C. 
Ferguson  and  father  were  elected  delegates-at- 
large  to  the  National  Convention,  and  C.  D. 
Keyes,  F.  W.  Gross,  J.  C.  Cain  and  R.  B.  Smith 
were  elected  alternates-at-large. 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization 
made  a  unanimous  report  by  which  father 
was  made  permanent  chairman  of  the  con 
vention,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there  were 
a  number  of  McKinley  delegates  on  the  com 
mittee.  A  motion  to  endorse  the  candidacy  of 
Gov.  McKinley  for  the  presidential  nomination 
was  defeated. 

The  McKinley  delegates  now  attempted  to 
take  violent  posssession  of  the  stage,  seize  the 
chairman's  table  and  forcibly  take  possession 
of  the  convention.  It  was  actually  necessary 
for  the  police  of  the  city  to  interfere  and  compel 
the  delegates  to  return  to  their  seats. 

On  the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  the 
McKinley  followers,  a  group  of  250  or  300  men, 
without  credentials  of  any  kind,  immediately 
held  a  convention.  Kichard  Allen,  colored,  of 
Harris  county,  was  made  temporary  chairman. 
John  Grant,  Frank  Hamilton,  R.  L.  Smith,  and 
Dr.  W.  E.  Davis  were  elected  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention  at  St.  Louis.  The  delegates 
were  instructed  to  vote  for  Gov.  McKinley  and 


THE  FIEST  DEFEAT  189 

were  determined  to  claim  seats  in  the  National 
Convention,  as  the  regular  elected  delegates- 
at-large.  When  the  convention  was  over,  father, 
who  never  once  during  the  hard  ordeal  lost 
his  composure,  showed  signs  of  intense  physical 
and  mental  strain.  For  three  days  he  had 
worked  almost  incessantly  and,  having  very 
little  time  for  sleep,  he  now  plainly  showed 
that  he  was  suffering  from  want  of  rest.  I 
awaited  him  at  his  headquarters,  and  insisted 
upon  his  resting.  Yielding  to  my  wishes,  he 
received  the  many  delegations  that  came  to 
congratulate  him,  in  the  room  to  which  we  had 
retired  for  quiet. 

A  handsome  gavel  was  presented  to  father, 
when  he  was  elected  chairman  of  the  conven 
tion,  by  James  B.  Sargent  of  Orange  County. 
The  gavel  is  a  remembrance  of  that  sensational 
struggle  which  I  have  treasured.  It  is  emblem 
atic — made  of  gum-camphor  wood,  grown  in 
Orange  County,  the  handle  of  Texas  bamboo, 
and  the  gavel  itself  encased  in  white  and  black 
bands,  one  on  either  side,  indicative  of  the 
white  and  black  races.  It  has  also  gold  and 
silver  rims,  representing  bimetalism. 

While  admiring  the  gavel,  father  called  to 
introduce  me  to  the  delegations  as  they  were 
about  to  bid  him  good-bye.  At  this  time  an 
amusing  and,  to  me,  embarrassing  incident 
occurred.  Among  the  Delegates  was  Mr.  B., 


190  NOREIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

lately  of  Chicago,  with  whom  father  had  had  an 
altercation  at  the  Chicago  convention  in  1884, 
but  who  was  now  friendly  toward  him.  As  a 
reminder  of  his  identity,  father,  turning  to  me 
said  in  an  undertone  "formerly  of  the  Gazette, 
you  know."  It  then  dawned  upon  me  just  who 
the  gentleman  was,  and  I  exclaimed  with  the 
thoughtlessness  of  youthful  pride:  "Oh,  and  I 
have  the  cane  yet" — the  weapon  with  which 
father  had  worsted  him  in  the  fight.  I  had  no 
sooner  spoken  than  I  realized  the  unkindness  of 
such  a  reminder.  The  delegates,  amused  at  my 
discomfiture,  saved  the  situation  by  bursting  into 
roars  of  laughter,  in  which  they  were  joined 
by  father  and  even  Mr.  B.  himself. 

The  contest  resulting  from  the  two  State  con 
ventions  was  carried  to  the  St.  Louis  Conven 
tion.  There  were  many  conjectures  as  to  the 
outcome.  The  majority  felt  that  the  regular 
delegates-at-large  would  be  sustained. 

Mr.  George  M.  Pridgen,  a  prominent  Repub 
lican  of  Cuero,  said:  "I  am  unable  to  compre 
hend  how  any  men  pretending  to  be  intelligent 
and  honorable,  could  go  into  a  convention  in 
good  faith  and  lend  their  assistance  in  electing 
a  temporary  chairman  to  preside  over  them, 
thereby  expressing  their  confidence  in  his  hon 
esty  and  integrity,  and  raise  a  howl  after  they 
fail  to  gain  their  point. 

"Cuney's   victory   was   simply   the   result   of 


THE  FIEST   DEFEAT  191 

brain  versus  boodle,  and  Cuney  will  be  sustained 
by  the  St.  Louis  Convention.  The  best  lawyers 
in  Austin  say  Cuney's  rulings  as  temporary 
chairman  were  in  accord  with  strict  rudiments 
of  parliamentary  tactics/' 

Mr.  McDonald,  a  colored  delegate  of  prom 
inence,  said:  "They  may 'talk  about  Cuney  all 
they  want  to,  but  Cuney  did  not  buy  votes  as 
the  McKinley  men  did.  They  are  busy  now 
paying  off  the  delegates  they  bought  last  night. 
They  were  shrewd  enough,  however,  not  to  pay 
the  money  until  they  had  secured  the  goods,  and 
for  this  I  give  them  credit.  I  never  in  all  my  life 
saw  anything  more  bold  and  yet  they  are  the 
cattle  that  are  abusing  Mr.  Cuney." 

Previous  to  the  convention,  father  had  said 
to  a  reporter  of  the  San  Antonio  Express: 
"They  have  not  enough  money  to  buy  the  con 
vention  against  me.  I  am  going  before  the 
next  legislature  to  ask  for  the  enactment  of  a 
law  which  will  put  in  the  penitentiary  every 
man  who  tries  to  bribe  a  delegate." 

Before  going  to  St.  Louis,  father  visited  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.  He  had  long  been  interested  and 
hopeful  for  the  success  of  Howard  University, 
the  institution  for  colored  youth  founded  by 
Gen.  0.  0.  Howard  which  is  situated  in  that 
city. 

It  was  due  to  his  efforts,  through  friends  in 
Congress,  that  the  University  was  given  neces- 


192  NOKEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

sary    appropriation,    and    continued    to    be    a 
Government  school. 

In  appreciation  of  his  "mastery  of  the  arts 
of  high  living  and  noble  thinking"  he  was  given 
by  Howard  University,  at  the  commencement 
in  1896,  the  honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896. 

ON  June  16th,  the  Republican  National  Con 
vention  met  at  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  Among  the 
visitors  of  national  reputation  were  the  following 
colored  Americans:  Ex-Senator  B.  K.  Bruce, 
Ex-Congressman  John  R.  Lynch,  Ex-Governor 
P.  B.  S.  Pinchback,  Gen.  Robert  Smalls,  Con 
gressman  George  W.  Murray,  Col.  Perry  Carson 
and  Prof.  R.  R.  Wright.  It  was  noted,  how 
ever,  that  they  were  taking  little  or  no  part 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  convention.  At  no 
former  convention  had  the  colored  man  been 
so  inconspicuous. 

Prominent  among  the  party  leaders  were  Gen. 
Foraker,  Gen.  Lew  Wallace,  Matthew  Quay, 
Thomas  Platt,  Senator  Lodge,  Garrett  Hobart, 
Gen.  Alger,  R.  L.  Kerens  and  Mark  Hanna. 
Gen.  James  S.  Clarkson,  who  was  very  ill  in 
Philadelphia,  was  sadly  missed. 

Father,  who  had  arrived  early,  was  very  bitter 
against  the  St.  Louis  hotel  proprietors  who  dis 
criminated  against  the  delegates  of  color. 
"When  the  question  of  choosing  a  convention 
193 


194  NORBIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

city  came  up  before  the  National  Committee 
at  Washington  last  December,"  he  said  to  a 
representative  of  the  press,  "I  opposed  St.  Louis 
because  of  the  prejudice  here  against  the  col 
ored  man.  I  had  had  some  experience  at  the 
Planters'  once  myself,  and  felt  certain  that  every 
Negro  who  applied  for  admission  at  a  St.  Louis 
hotel  at  this  time  would  receive  similar  treat 
ment. 

"I  told  friends  of  St.  Louis  there,  that  I  had 
no  objection  to  their  city,  and  that  I  preferred 
it  as  a  convention  city  to  Chicago,  Washington, 
Pittsburgh  or  San  Francisco,  in  all  respects. 
Three  St.  Louis  hotel  men,  the  proprietors  of 
three  of  your  largest  hotels,  including  the 
Planters'  and  Southern,  came  to  me  and  pledged 
me  that  if  St.  Louis  got  the  convention  they 
would  see  that  the  doors  of  the  best  hotels  of 
the  city  were  opened  to  black  as  well  as  white 
delegates. 

"One  of  the  three  deciding  votes  on  the  fourth 
ballot  was  cast  by  myself.  I  changed  from 
San  Francisco  to  St.  Louis,  with  two  others, 
and  the  convention  is  to  be  held  here  in  con 
sequence. 

"I  believe  the  gentlemen  of  your  local  com 
mittee,  as  a  whole,  acted  in  good  faith  in  mak 
ing  those  promises,  but  you  see  the  result.  St. 
Louis  will  be  injured  more  than  you  would  sup 
pose  by  this  failure  to  keep  its  promises." 


THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896     195 

At  the  meeting  of  the  National  Committee 
during  convention  week,  this  matter  was  brought 
up  with  the  result  that  the  Southern,  Laclede, 
St.  Nicholas  and  Lindell  hotels  agreed  to  accom 
modate  the  colored  delegates. 

On  June  15th,  before  the  opening  of  the  con 
vention,  the  Grant  delegates  held  a  meeting 
which  was  composed  entirely  of  McKinley  men. 
Being  anti-Cuney  in  sentiment,  Dr.  Grant  was 
elected  for  the  position  of  National  Committee- 
man  for  the  State  of  Texas. 

On  June  17th,  the  Texas  contest  came  before 
the  National  Committee,  which  was  controlled 
by  McKinley  men.  The  decision  was  against 
the  delegates  elected  in  the  regular  State  con 
vention.  The  McKinley  men  had  captured  the 
Credentials  Committee,  and  their  control  was 
confirmed  when  a  resolution  offered  by  Hep 
burn  of  Iowa,  one  of  the  Allison  supporters, 
that  the  committee  send  for  the  papers  in  all 
contests,  was  lost. 

Among  the  58  contests  brought  before  the 
Credentials  Committee,  was  that  of  Texas.  The 
action  of  the  National  Committee  was,  of  course, 
confirmed.  The  Allison-Reed  delegates-at-large 
were  unseated  by  a  vote  of  31  to  20  and  the  Mc 
Kinley  delegates  recognized.  Father's  disap 
pointment  was  keen  and  was  aggravated  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  treated  unfairly. 

In  the  National  Committee,  Gen.   Grosvenor 


196  NORRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

of  Ohio,  the  "official  calculator  of  the  McKinley 
campaign,"  at  a  moment  of  father's  absence 
when  he  knew  father  would  have  no  oppor 
tunity  to  reply  to  his  cowardly  assault,  made 
in  his  speech  of  opposition  to  the  Allison-Reed 
delegates,  a  personal  attack  accusing  father  of 
political  dishonesty. 

Mr.  Thomas  Fortune  of  New  York,  who  saw 
father  just  after  the  happening,  said:  "Gros- 
venor's  attack  was  for  twelve  hours  the  talk  of 
St.  Louis  among  the  assembled  Republican  hosts, 
for  it  was  known  that  Cuney  was  always  the 
soul  of  political  honor. 

"Congressman  Grosvenor  is  an  old  man,  with 
long  gray  hair,  and  flowing  beard.  He  may 
not  know  it,  but  he  owes  it  to  me,  that  he  was 
not  publicly  whipped  in  the  streets  of  St. 
Louis.  Soon  after  he  had  made  his  terrific  ar 
raignment  of  Cuney,  I  met  the  latter  at  Plant 
ers'  hotel.  The  Black  Flagger  was  trembling 
with  suppressed  rage  and  indignation,  and  his 
brown  eyes  fairly  blazed  in  his  head.  Cuney's 
eyes  were  most  expressive.  In  repose  they  were 
insistently  nervous  and  restless ;  under  any  sort 
of  excitement  they  fairly  danced.  The  African, 
Indian  and  Anglo-Saxon  blood  in  him  formed 
a  combination  which  made  him  almost  invinc 
ible  in  a  fair  fight  of  whatever  sort.  Indeed, 
he  was  a  man  of  fierce  courage. 

"Cuney  declared  in  his  cool,  deliberate  way 


TEE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896     197 

that  Gen.  Grosvenor  had  attacked  him  and  had 
done  him  a  mortal  injustice  and  that  he  pro 
posed  to  whip  him.  We  reasoned  the  matter  out 
and  Cuney  finally  accepted  my  view,  although 
with  very  great  reluctance  as  the  injustice  rank 
led  in  his  soul." 

Father's  indignation  was  emphasized  by  his 
speech  before  the  Committee  on  Credentials; 
"Turn  me  out,  and  you  not  only  place  the  brand 
of  dishonor  upon  the  Republican  party  of  the 
nation,  you  not  only  do  the  act  of  petty  revenge 
ful  tyrants,  but  you  put  upon  ingratitude,  that 
lowest  vice  of  inhuman  hearts,  a  premium. 

"You  make  the  deed  of  Judas  Iscariot  a  grand 
and  noble  performance. 

"That  ex-inmate  of  a  lunatic  asylum,"  he  con 
tinued,  pointing  to  Grant,  "is  my  creature.  I 
warmed  him  into  life.  He  betrayed  and  stung 
me.  Look  at  him  as  he  sits  there  with  a  face 
as  white  as  the  linen  you  cannot  see  and 
a  heart  as  black  as  the  coat  that  conceals  it. 
He  is  my  creature.  I  made  him.  I  stood  by 
him  when  he  had  not  a  friend.  I  gave  him  a 
chance  to  come  to  the  front  and  held  him  up 
against  the  protests  of  my  friends.  And  all  the 
time  he  has  been  plotting  to  undermine  me. 

"With  a  backing  of  the  subsidizing  wing  of 
the  Republican  party,  he  has  come  here  with 
lies  upon  his  lips,  and  you,  gentlemen,  are  in 
clined  to  take  his  words  against  the  testimony 


198  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

of  men  who  have  taken  the  wounds  and  fought 
the  battles  of  the  Republican  party  when  he  was 
voting  the  Democratic  ticket. 

"For  twenty  years  I  have  stood  in  the  van 
and  taken  all  the  blows  of  the  enemy  in  a  State 
where  it  costs  men  a  great  deal  more  to  stand 
up  for  their  political  convictions  than  it  does 
in  Gen.  Grosvenor's  State. 

"For  ten  years  I  have  served  as  National 
Committeeman  from  Texas  in  the  councils  of 
the  Republican  party.  My  word  has  been  taken 
as  lightly  by  this  body  as  if  I  were  a  raw  re 
cruit,  a  discredited  stranger,  a  man  of  no  stand 
ing. 

"Let  me  tell  you,  gentlemen,  you  may  go  to 
my  political  enemies  in  the  city  where  I  have 
spent  all  my  years  since  I  became  a  man,  and 
they  will  tell  you  that  Wright  Cuney's  name 
stands  as  a  synonym  for  commercial  integrity 
and  for  personal  honor ;  that  he  has  never  broken 
a  law  against  good  citizenship,  good  fellowship 
and  humanity  since  he  has  lived  among  them, 
and  that  any  and  every  Democrat  of  property 
in  the  community  in  which  he  lives,  is  willing 
to  go  on  his  bond.  Can  the  upstart,"  (pointing 
to  Grant),  "show  a  like  record? 

"But  waiving  personalities,  I  stand  on  the 
broad  ground  of  right.  I,  and  my  fellow  dele 
gates,  have  shown  a  title  to  our  seats  by  every 
rule  of  right  procedure.  If  you  strike  us  down, 


THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896     199 

you  do  it  because  we  have  dared  to  assert  our 
manhood  by  daring  to  support  the  minority 
candidates  in  the  convention.  You  may  stab 
me  and  my  colleagues,  but  remember  when  you 
do,  the  knife  may  rebound  and  enter  the  vitals, 
not  only  of  the  Republican  cause  in  Texas,  but 
that  of  the  nation  as  well/7 

Indicative  of  the  sentiment  in  the  State  of 
Texas,  regarding  the  unseating  of  the  Allison- 
Reed  delegates,  was  the  following  editorial  which 
appeared  in  one  of  the  largest  Democratic 
dailies  of  Texas,  The  San  Antonio  Express: 
"N.  W.  Cuney,  the  colored  Republican  leader  of 
Texas,  met  with  an  unkind  fate  in  St.  Louis. 
He  has  been  downed,  but  not  at  home. 

"The  entire  Republican  party  of  Texas  was 
unable  to  cope  with  his  energy,  influence  or 
generalship.  It  was  only  through  an  accident 
of  politics  that  his  enemies  were  able  to  call  to 
their  assistance  the  national  leaders  and  de 
throne,  temporarily,  at  least,  the  sable  states 
man.  Viewed  from  a  non-partisan  standpoint, 
and  without  race  prejudice,  Cuney  was  entitled 
to  a  seat  in  the  St.  Louis  convention.  He  had 
the  Republican  organization  with  him.  Had 
there  been  nothing  at  stake  for  the  McKinley 
managers  in  St.  Louis,  little  reason  would  have 
been  found  why  Cuney  and  his  friends  should 
not  have  been  accorded  the  fruits  of  their 
labors.  As  it  is,  he  is  thrown  out  simply  be- 


200  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

cause  of  his  fidelity  to  a  minority  candidate, 
and  to  make  more  room  for  the  McKinley  forces. 

"There  was  a  world  of  truth  in  the  few  re 
marks  addressed  by  Cuney  to  his  late  white 
admirers,  and  these  words  will  not  soon  be  for 
gotten.  Such  things  stick  in  the  craw  of  a 
Southern  white  man  of  any  spirit,  and  the  time 
for  harmony  about  which  Mr.  Grant  talks  so 
glibly  has  gone  by.  It  will  be  a  war  to  the 
knife  and  the  knife  to  the  hilt,  and  Cuney  will 
wield  the  machete  with  a  skill  born  of  the 
darker  half  of  his  ancestry. 

"Cuney  is  not  dead  politically.  He  will  live 
to  attend  the  political  funeral  of  several  of  the 
politicians  who  traded  him  out  of  his  rights  at 
the  St.  Louis  convention. 

"A  man  who  will  stick  by  his  friends  at  the  risk 
of  his  own  future,  is  made  of  no  common  clay, 
be  it  white  or  black.  Cuney  could  have  been 
seated  as  a  delegate  had  he  so  willed  it.  The 
McKinleyites  would  have  joyfully  hailed  his  ac 
cession  to  their  ranks. 

"Cuney  had  his  friends  to  carry  and  his 
promises  to  keep.  He  carried  his  friends  and 
went  down  with  the  ship.  He  kept  his  promises 
and  was  derided  for  so  doing.  Many  a  white 
politician  could  adopt  his  method  with  advan 
tage  to  himself  and  the  party  he  represents. 

"It  is  well  for  the  Republican  party  in  Texas 
that  a  move  now  has  been  made  towards  the  rec- 


THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896     201 

lamation  of  the  party  from  the  hands  of  the 
Negro  leadership,  but  it  is  a  strange  commen 
tary  upon  the  remarkable  strength  of  such 
leadership  when  the  party  was  forced  to  go  out 
of  the  State  and  adopt  such  questionable  methods 
to  accomplish  it." 

Further  opinion  of  men  of  national  repute 
concerning  the  result  of  the  Texas  contest,  can 
be  gleaned  from  a  portion  of  a  letter  written 
to  father  by  a  friend  of  Pres.  McKinley:     "I 
find    that    the    animosities    engendered    at    St. 
Louis  during  our  alleged  convention,  are  gradu 
ally  wearing  off.     Major  Dick,  who  is  Hanna's 
right  hand  man,  has  a  better  understanding  of 
Texas  matters  (men  and  issues),  and  there  are 
several  very  close  to   Gov.   McKinley  who   do 
not  approve  of  much  that  was  done  at  St.  Louis." 
Through  correspondence  from  the  same  source 
father  was  told  in  a  letter  of  July  31 :  "Sinclair 
(Postmaster  at  Galveston)  gave  Hanna  a  strong 
talk  in  your  behalf  and  made  a  decided  impres 
sion  on  him  as  regards  your  personality  and 
reliability.     I  heard  the  talk,  and  Hanna  had 
been  filled  with  so  many  lies,  he  evinced  sur 
prise  to  hear   all  that   Sinclair  said;   he   told 
Hanna  in  the   plainest  of   English  that   Gen. 
Grosvenor's   conduct  was  nothing  short   of  an 
outrage,  both  indecent  and  unjust,  and  he  (Gros- 
venor)  would  live  to  regret  it. 

"Major  Dick  is  your  friend,  and  away  down 


202  .        NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

in  his  boots.  Gen.  Payne  of  Wisconsin  only 
awaits  an  opportunity  to  give  you  some  signal 
recognition.  I  hope  that  you  are  not  living  in 
the  events  that  are  behind.  The  political  world 
is  moving  fast,  very  fast,  and  it  seems  to  me, 
that  a  great  opportunity  is  opening  to  you." 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
National  Convention,  father  went  to  Hot 
Springs,  Ark.,  for  rest.  While  there,  he  re 
ceived  a  letter  intimating  that  a  reconciliation 
was  desired  on  the  part  of  his  opponents.  It 
read,  in  part:  "Your  friends  feel  deeply  with 
you  the  wound  which  the  National  Committee 
inflicted  upon  you  in  its  session  in  St.  Louis, 
and  they  appreciate  what  a  gallant  and  noble 
fight  you  made  before  them.  They  also  feel 
that  their  opinions  as  to  your  future  action  are 
worthy  of  consideration,  and  should  be  of  mate 
rial  weight  with  you.  That  you  should  be  in 
fluenced  by  their  advice  is  not  presuming  too 
much,  for  they  have  your  best  interests  at  heart 
as  well  as  the  welfare  of  the  party.  We  be 
lieve  that  the  fiercest  battles  of  the  campaign 
will  be  fought  on  the  fields  of  Illinois  and  Indi 
ana,  and  for  you  to  enlist  your  services  for  the 
fight,  buckle  on  your  armor  and  go  forth  to 
battle  will  not  be  expecting  too  much  of  you,  a 
man  accustomed  to  lead  and  to  fight  where  the 
battle  wages  fiercest.  We  believe  that  you  can 
be  of  inestimable  value  to  the  party  by  offer- 


THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1896     203 

ing  your  services  to  the  party  at  this  time, 
when  they  are  most  needed. 

"If  agreeable  to  your  views,  we  will  set  to 
work  to  bring  about  that  which  we  have  sug 
gested  and  only  await  your  approval  and  acqui 
escence.  We  believe,  if  you  so  prefer,  negotia 
tions  to  that  end  will  come  from  your  former 
opponents." 

Father  resented  the  injustice  which  had  been 
done  him,  and  accepted  with  great  reluctance, 
the  result  of  the  contest.  He  refused,  however, 
to  "sulk  in  his  tent,"  and  entered  the  campaign 
for  McKinley  and  Hobart. 

Hon.  John  Grant,  the  newly  elected  National 
Committeeman,  who  was  soon  found  in  confer 
ence  with  the  "Lily  White"  faction  stated  that 
he  saw  no  necessity  for  two  Republican  parties 
in  Texas,  with  the  National  organization  on  the 
eve  of  a  great  battle  and  with  victory  in  sight. 

"From  now  on,"  he  added,  "there  will  be  a 
united  party  in  Texas." 

J.  A.  Baker,  a  prominent  "Lily  White"  de 
clared:  "We  have  about  decided  to  return  to 
the  regular  camp  and  assist  Grant  in  advanc 
ing  the  best  interests  of  Eepublicanism  in 
Texas." 


CHAPTER  XX. 
THE  LAST  DAYS. 

IT  was  early  known  that  there  was  to  be  a 
fight  made  on  father  at  the  coming  State  con 
vention,  and  that  much  depended  upon  the  out 
come.  In  the  event  of  father's  ultimate  victory, 
there  would  be  no  union  with  the  Lily  Whites. 

On  Sept.  9th,  at  Fort  "Worth,  the  State  con 
vention  was  held.  It  was  one  of  importance, 
for  the  Eepublicans  held  the  balance  of  power 
and  could  practically  say  who  should  control 
the  State  Government  after  the  coming  election. 
Whatever  the  differences  between  the  Grant  and 
Cuney  factions,  each  had  in  mind  the  success 
of  the  party. 

Father  advocated  fusion  with  the  Populists, 
since  the  combined  vote  of  the  two  parties  was 
far  greater  than  that  of  the  Democrats.  On 
Aug.  16th,  he  had  received  a  communication 
from  the  National  headquarters,  asking  informa 
tion  concerning  his  Fusion  projects. 

On  the  scene  when  convention  day  arrived, 
were  the  two  Hanna  emissaries,  Gen.  A.  W. 
Huston,  National  Committeernan  from  In- 
204 


THE  LAST  DAYS  205 

diana  and  Charles  Hedges,  of  the  Chicago  branch 
of  the  National  headquarters.  Their  appear 
ance  at  the  Fort  Worth  headquarters  was  crit 
icised  by  a  number  of  the  delegates,  which 
caused  Gen.  Huston  to  say :  "Not  for  the  world 
would  I  interfere  with  your  local  self-govern 
ment.  The  man  who  thinks  I  am  against  Cuney 
is  mistaken.  I  know  he  has  done  valuable  ser 
vice  for  the  Republican  party  in  Texas.  I  know 
he  was  treated  badly  at  St.  Louis. 

"I  am  not  insisting  on  the  man  who  has  a 
majority  of  votes  in  this  convention,  retiring  in 
favor  of  a  man  who  has  a  minority  of  the  votes. 
I  appreciate  Cuney.  He  is  unquestionably  the 
choice  of  the  delegates  here  for  Chairman,  there 
fore  I  say  let's  elect  him.  Above  all  things,  I 
am  not  against  him." 

Among  the  arriving  delegates,  was  Cecil  Lyon, 
of  suspicious  Lily  White  sympathies,  who  was 
making  a  strong  fight  for  Grant.  There  were 
also  among  the  Cuney  enemies,  a  number  of 
men  of  color,  including  Richard  Allen  of  Hous 
ton  and  Charles  Ferguson.  Of  the  latter,  who 
now  again  had  changed  his  affiliation,  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  Galveston  News,  said :  "I  have 
watched  Ferguson  with  interest,  but  will  have 
to  quit  him.  These  frequent  flops  are  injurious 
in  warm  weather.  They  might  bring  on  heart 
failure." 

This  remark  can  be  better  understood  when 


206  NOKBIS  WEIGHT  CUNET 

it  is  explained  that,  in  1895,  Mr.  Ferguson  re 
turned  from  a  meeting  of  Republican  League 
Clubs  held  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  committed  to  Me- 
Kinley's  candidacy.  Later,  in  the  Fourth  Con 
gressional  District  Campaign,  he  was  a  Reed 
contestant.  In  opposition  to  Grant,  he  fought 
with  the  Allison-Reed  combination;  after  arriv 
ing  at  the  St.  Louis  convention,  he  became  a 
McKinley  man.  Being  repulsed  by  some  of 
the  leaders  there,  he  was,  for  a  short  while,  a 
strong  anti-Grant  man.  Now,  after  the  close 
of  that  contest,  we  find  him  supporting  Mr. 
Grant.  From  now  on,  he  and  his  brother,  Henry 
Ferguson,  favored  opposite  factions  in  the  party. 

The  day  preceding  the  opening  of  the  con 
vention,  the  press  reported:  "It  is  doubtful  if 
there  ever  was  a  party  in  Texas  situated  as  is 
the  Republican  party  at  this  time.  The  rank 
and  file  stand  loyal,  but  await  action  until  the 
leaders  arrive.  The  bold,  defiant  contingent 
here,  is  that  at  the  back  of  Cuney.  As  usual, 
this  wing  is  fighting  on  the  aggressive,  and  as 
fast  as  his  friends  arrive  they  are  announcing 
straight  out  for  E.  H.  R.  Green  for  State  Chair 
man  and  Cuney  for  temporary  chairman." 

Mr.  Green,  President  of  the  Texas  Midland 
Railroad,  son  of  Hetty  Green  the  famous  capital 
ist  of  New  York,  had  entered  Texas  politics  a 
few  years  before. 

Mr.  Green  was  father's  choice  for  State  Chair- 


THE  LAST  DAYS  207 

man  of  the  Executive  Committee.  Among  the 
Cuney-Green  supporters  were  Dr.  Wilmot,  Eu 
gene  Marshall,  E.  H.  Terrell,  Wm.  H.  McDon 
ald,  M.  M.  Rodgers  and  many  young  intelligent 
colored  voters. 

In  opposition  to  father's  nomination  for  tem 
porary  chairman,  the  Executive  Committee,  of 
which  Dr.  Grant  was  chairman,  recommended 
Charles  Ferguson.  A  private  caucus  was  held, 
when  propositions  were  made  to  father  to  with 
draw.  He  replied  that  under  no  circumstances 
would  he  withdraw,  that  he  was  in  the  fight  to 
a  finish.  Again  proposals  for  a  compromise 
were  made.  He  refused  to  listen  to  them.  The 
fight  was  taken  before  the  Convention,  and 
father  was  defeated. 

The  scene  was  thus  described  by  the  News 
representative:  "I  have  no  interest  in  Cuney. 
I  have  no  interest  in  Grant.  Thanks  to  a  pretty 
fair  education  and  a  good  moral  training,  I 
have  no  interest  in  the  Republican  party.  But 
when  the  fight  came  it  was  my  duty  to  see  it, 
and  when  it  was  ended  'La  Paloma'  with  all  its 
sadness  took  possession  of  me,  and  I  hated  to 
see  the  man  die  the  death  he  did. 

"It  was  just  this  way.  Away  back  yonder — 
away  back  in  the  eighties,  I  saw  this  man  come 
to  the  front  as  a  leader.  I  saw  him  in  many 
conventions,  for  these  were  battlefields  where 
he  fought,  and  I  never  saw  him  quail.  Time  and 


208  NOKKIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

again  I  saw  him  when  I  thought  he  must  go 
down.  Time  and  again  he  triumphed.  He  re 
ceived  scars.  He  left  them  on  those  he  fought. 
He  had  a  certain  chivalry  that  commended  him 
to  me,  and  at  times  his  manner  of  warfare  was 
to  a  degree  sublime.  And  thus  he  has  gone 
on,  until  those  who  had  felt  his  blade  were  legion, 
and  the  time  was  coming  when  they  would  pull 
him  down. 

"He  cast  his  fortune  with  Clarkson  in  the 
last  campaign  for  presidential  nominations.  Al 
lison  was  the  choice  of  Clarkson.  He  became 
the  choice  of  Cuney.  The  McKinley  forces 
were  organizing  on  a  strictly  black  flag  plan. 
They  gave  no  quarter  in  any  part  of  the  field. 
Those  who  desired  to  depose  Cuney  from  the 
head  of  the  Republican  party  in  this  State  saw 
their  chance.  They  got  together  in  a  solid 
phalanx.  They  made  the  fight  against  him 
and  they  had  for  their  leaders  the  shrewdest 
politicians  in  the  Republican  party. 

aTheir  leaders  were  not  Texans.  Hanna  and 
Grosvenor  and  Thompson  of  Ohio  were  coun 
selors.  They  drew  the  map  of  the  field.  They 
told  how  the  moves  should  be  made.  The  fight 
was  a  hard  one.  For  the  first  time  in  his  life, 
Cuney  had  waged  a  war  in  which  there  was 
pure  science  on  the  other  side. 

''He  had  resorted  to  sentiment,  of  which  he 
had  a  thorough  knowledge,  in  all  fights  before. 


THE  LAST  DATS  209 

Now  he  ran  up  against  the  cold  steel  of  method 
and  business,  and  he  went  down  wounded  unto 
death  at  St.  Louis,  but  game. 

"And  he  fought  with  all  his  vigor.  But  the 
scars  he  had  left  were  on  the  hearts  of  the  many, 
and  they  had  not  forgotten  them.  The  prize 
fought  for  was  a  small  one.  There  was  nothing 
of  honor  or  profit  in  it.  He  went  down,  but 
he  went  down  game — game  as  he  had  lived." 

The  second  morning  of  the  convention,  Hon. 
E.  H.  R.  Green  was  elected  by  acclamation  for 
chairman  of  the  State  Executive  Committee. 
Dr.  Grant  had  hoped  for  re-election,  but  after 
the  struggle  over  the  temporary  chairmanship, 
he  found  that  the  tide  had  set  so  strongly  against 
him,  that  he  was  made  to  withdraw  in  favor  of 
father's  candidate,  Mr.  Green.  Mr.  Wm.  Edgar 
Easton,  a  faithful  Cuney  adherent,  was  re- 
elected  Secretary  of  the  State  Executive  Com 
mittee  and  the  Cuney  plan  of  fusion  with  the 
sound  money  voters  of  the  State  was  approved. 

The  platform  as  adopted  by  the  convention 
showed  that  father  had  been  successful  in  car 
rying  through  nearly  every  measure  he  had 
proposed  to  the  convention. 

Father  had  been  defeated  for  the  temporary 
chairmanship,  but  it  was  a  more  important  vic 
tory  to  carry  the  fusion  measure  that  he  had 
fathered.  It  necessitated  Dr.  Grant's  with 
drawal  from  the  State  chairmanship  contest, 


210  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

and  forced  him  to  acquiesce  in  the  fusion  pro 
gram. 

His  plan  was  approved  by  the  National  Com 
mittee.  Before  the  convention,  father  had  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  the  National  headquarters 
at  Chicago,  saying:  "Texas  is  beginning  to 
attract  attention  and  Hanna  and  others  are 
coming  to  believe  that  something  tangible 
may  come  out  of  the  fusion  with  the  Popu 
lists  and  the  sound  money  Democrats — you 
are  the  one  man  who  can  probably  arrange 
this  fusion." 

On  the  last  day  of  the  Fort  Worth  conven 
tion,  Dr.  Grant  sent  a  letter  to  father  suggest 
ing  that  they  should  be  friends. — "I  shall  be 
glad  to  take  your  hand,"  he  said,  "and  walk  out 
on  the  platform  and  convince  the  convention 
that  American  manhood  towers  above  pique. 
Please  intimate  your  desires  and  I  will  meet 
them."  There  was  a  tentative  reconciliation. 
With  father,  a  public  difference  did  not  neces 
sarily  result  in  personal  feeling. 

In  spite  of  the  Lily  Whites'  repeatedly  ex 
pressed  desire  for  affiliation  with  the  regular 
State  Republican  party,  they  were  unwitting  to 
discard  "census  plan,"  and  they  continued 
their  State  organization. 

During  the  campaign,  it  was  seen  that  in  some 
unaccountable  way,  the  control  of  precinct  and 
county  organization  had  gotten  almost  entirely 


THE  LAST  DAYS  211 

into  the  hands  of  undesirable  parties.  Although 
without  long  political  experience,  Mr.  Green 
was  a  leader  of  courage  and  under  his  direction, 
the  conditions  fast  changed.  Not  long  after,  the 
press  spoke  of  seeing  the  "fine  Italian  hand 
of  Cuney"  in  the  management  of  party  affairs 
in  the  State. 

After  the  National  election,  in  which  the  Re 
publicans  were  victorious,  Dr.  Grant  insisted 
upon  controlling  the  patronage  in  Texas.  Of 
his  demands,  a  correspondent  wrote  father  from 
Washington:  "He  graciously  conceded  the  Post 
Offices  in  my  District.  He  is  so  selfish,  he  is  so 
unfair,  he  is  so  unpatriotic  and  he  is  so  utterly 
devoid  of  that  necessary  guide,  common  sense, 
that  before  he  is  through  with  his  exactions 
he  will  be  without  friends  in  the  party  and 
without  the  respect  of  the  administration,  if 
he  has  not  lost  that  already.  He  goes,  slowly 
perhaps,  but  surely  to  that  goal  which  in 
evitably  awaits  all  men  who  forget  their 
friends." 

Before  many  months  had  passed,  Dr.  Grant 
quarrelled  with  Mr.  Green,  carrying  the  disagree 
ment  so  far  as  to  have  himself  elected  in  Mr. 
Green's  stead.  It  was  an  ineffectual  bolt.  Dr. 
Grant's  lengthy  and  erratic  public  letters  and 
addresses  finally  gave  warning  of  his  sad  mis 
fortune — an  unbalanced  mind. 

A  gentleman  who  was  present  at  a  dinner 


212  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

party  in  1897,  in  Washington,  given  by  the  Vice- 
President  to  bring  the  Hon.  Mark  A.  Hanna, 
and  Gen.  James  S.  Clarkson  and  the  Hon. 
Samuel  Fessenden  together,  has  told  me  of  an 
incident  which  illustrates  quite  vividly  my 
father's  high  standing  and  proved  integrity  in 
every  form  and  temptation  of  practical  politics 
as  well  as  in  the  business  world. 

According  to  this  gentleman's  story,  just  as 
the  party  was  sitting  down  to  the  dinner  table, 
Mr.  Hobart,  always  a  congenial  spirit  and  the 
life  of  any  party,  had  a  letter  handed  to  him  by 
his  butler.  He  at  once  handed  it  over  to  Senator 
Hanna,  saying,  "Here  is  a  letter  for  you, 
Senator,  from  the  South." 

Mr.  Hanna  glanced  at  the  letter  and  said: 
— "Oh,  that's  from  Florida  and  I  expect  it's  from 
so-and-so  (giving  the  name  of  a  leading  colored 
politician  in  Florida)  and  he's  a  good  fellow 
who  helped  us  in  the  campaign  for  the  nomi 
nation." 

Mr.  Hanna  then  turned  to  Mr.  Hobart,  and 
surprised  all  present  by  saying, — "Do  you  know, 
Hobart,  we  finally  captured  all  the  Southern 
Niggers,  except  Clarkson's,  and  especially  that 
man  Cuney  and  his  followers  in  Texas.  Nothing 
could  touch  or  affect  him,  either  in  immediate 
performances  or  in  future  promises.  Nothing 
could  change  him  from  Clarkson  or  Allison." 
He  went  on  to  account  for  these  men's  standing 


THE  LAST  DAYS  213 

for  convictions  as  being  solely  actuated  by  their 
attachment  to  Clarkson. 

My  informant  said  that  everybody  present 
seemed  to  know  at  once  that  this  talk  would  be 
resented  both  by  Clarkson  and  Fessenden,  and 
Hobart  immediately  began  to  try  and  keep  the 
peace,  and  smooth  it  over.  But  Clarkson  broke  out 
to  protest  against  Mr.  Hanna's  assumption,  and 
addressing  him  directly  said,  "Senator  Hanna, 
when  you  are  talking  of  Wright  Cuney  you  are 
talking  of  a  man  of  honor  of  life-long  record,  of 
a  man  who  is  as  honorable  as  any  man  in  this 
room,  and  a  man  whom  several  of  us  here  have 
known  intimately  for  many  years,  and  prize  as 
a  personal  friend.  "Whatever  he  did  with  you 
or  your  people  in  that  campaign,  or  refused  to 
do,  was  from  his  own  high  sense  of  honor,  and 
he  is  worthy  of  that  fact  being  recognized  by  you 
and  every  other  gentleman." 

My  informant  further  said,  "Mr.  Fessenden 
fully  corroborated  all  that  Mr.  Clarkson  had  said 
in  his  estimate  of  Mr.  Cuney  and  his  earnest 
defense  of  him. 

"Senator  Hanna  soon  found  that  there  were 
colored  men  of  the  highest  character  in  the  Re 
publican  party,  and  plenty  of  Republican  leaders 
to  defend  them ;  and  the  incident  was  finally 
closed.  Yet  it  served  to  defeat  the  establishment 
of  friendly  relations  between  Hanna  and  Clark- 
son  and  Fessenden. 


214  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

"The  latter  two  not  only  resented  this  re 
flection  on  Mr.  Cuney,  but  neither  could  forget 
or  fail  to  appreciate  how  often  Mr.  Cuney  had 
fairly  seen  to  it  that  a  clean  and  honorable  del 
egation  had  been  elected  by  the  Texas  Re 
publican  State  Convention  to  the  National  Con 
vention  to  support  Keed,  Allison  and  Morton. 
Mr.  Hanna  and  his  following  at  St.  Louis  by 
pressure  on  the  National  Committee  got  this 
legal  delegation  unseated,  and  an  illegal  del 
egation  put  in  its  place,  to  vote  for  McKinley. 
Thus  Mr.  McKinley's  first  term  closed  without 
General  Clarkson  and  Mr.  Fessenden  being 
brought  in  to  muster  under  Mr.  Hanna,  as  his 
allies  and  supporters." 

A  number  of  happy  events  of  a  social  as 
well  as  political  nature  had  served  to  break  the 
strain  of  the  aggressive  campaign  of  1896. 
Large  receptions  were  given  in  many  of  the 
cities  throughout  the  State,  by  colored  citizens 
who  wished  at  this  time  to  give  evidence  of  the 
esteem  in  which  father  was  held. 

Coming  in  the  spring  of  1897  from  San 
Antonio,  where  he  had  been  called  to  deliver  an 
address  on  "The  Duty  of  the  Hour,"  father 
stopped  in  Austin.  My  young  brother  Lloyd 
had  been  placed  in  school  at  Tillotson  College, 
while  I  had  charge  of  the  Music  Department  of 
the  Deaf,  Dumb  and  Blind  Institute  of  the  State 
of  Texas.  Father  came  often  to  see  us.  His 


THE  LAST  DAYS  215 

visits  were  greatly  enjoyed  by  the  young  blind 
men  of  the  Institution,  in  whose  progress  father 
was  deeply  interested. 

About  this  time,  my  pianoforte  teacher, 
Edmund  Ludwig,  formerly  of  the  Conservatory 
for  Royal  Ladies  at  St.  Petersburg,  with  whom 
I  was  continuing  my  studies,  had  arranged  for 
me  a  Piano  Recital  at  the  Opera  House.  Pro 
grams  were  in  the  hands  of  the  printer  when  it 
dawned  upon  the  management  of  the  Opera 
House  that  it  would  not  do  to  allow  seating  of 
white  and  colored  patrons  together.  They  tele 
phoned  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  sell  tickets 
to  colored  patrons  for  the  balconies  only.  Mr. 
Ludwig  and  I  indignantly  canceled  the  contract 
for  the  House.  No  hall  being  available,  the 
recital,  with  the  kind  assistance  of  Mr.  Ludwig, 
was  given  at  the  Institution. 

Father  enjoyed  the  occasion  and,  while  I 
thought  he  was  tired,  he  seemed  less  depressed. 
He  disapproved  of  the  custom  of  wearing  black 
and,  finding  that  my  mourning  garb  saddened 
him,  I  discarded  it  whenever  he  came  to  see  me. 

During  the  Christmas  holidays  we  were  the 
honored  guests  at  a  reception  arranged  by  an 
organization  of  colored  citizens  at  Fort  "Worth, 
Texas.  The  Fort  Worth  (daily)  Mail-Telegram, 
speaking  of  the  enthusiastic  reception  accorded 
father,  noted  the  influence  the  organization 
wielded  politically,  the  progressive  spirit  of  the 


216  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

membership  and  the  significance  of  the  occasion. 
"The  speeches"  according  to  this  report,  "were 
bright  and  well  delivered.  Of  course  Mr.  Cuney 
was  looked  upon  to  make  a  happy  talk  and 
so  he  did.  He  earnestly  thanked  those  present 
for  the  great  compliment  paid  him  and  his 
daughter,  and  said  at  some  future  time  he  hoped 
to  talk  politics  to  them." 

Father  had  been  in  constant  demand  before 
the  election,  at  the  many  large  rallies  where  he 
spoke  in  the  interest  of  sound  money.  The  Con 
gressional  campaign  followed  immediately. 

Being  desirous  of  sending  a  Republican  con 
gressman  to  Washington  from  the  Tenth  District, 
father,  having  refused  to  consider  the  nomination 
for  himself,  worked  enthusiastically  for  the 
nominee,  Hon.  E.  B.  Hawley  of  Galveston.  There 
was  no  white  man  in  the  State  for  whom  he  felt 
a  deeper  affection  and  he  worked  unceasingly 
for  his  success. 

In  the  midst  of  his  travels,  he  stopped  for  a 
few  days  in  Austin.  I  saw  that  he  was  not  well. 
He  admitted  to  me  that  he  had  entered  the  cam 
paign  against  the  advice  of  his  physician,  for 
his  health  was  undermined  by  a  recent  attack 
of  grippe,  of  which  he  had  kept  me  in  ignorance. 
I  entreated  him  to  give  up  his  duties  and  stay 
at  Austin  until  his  health  returned.  This  he 
was  reluctant  to  do;  he  was  conducting  the 
campaign,  but  he  promised,  that  after  fulfilling 


THE  LAST  DAYS  217 

the  approaching  engagements  he  would  come 
back  to  me  and  rest. 

Mr.  Hawley  was  elected  to  Congress.  It  was 
noted  as  a  significant  fact  that  father's  district, 
in  which  he  conducted  the  campaign,  was  the 
only  Congressional  district  in  Texas  which  went 
Republican. 

Within  a  few  weeks,  father  returned  to  Austin. 
Here  he  had  a  relapse,  which  was  directly  caused 
by  speaking  at  outdoor  meetings  in  his  already 
weakened  condition.  I  was  greatly  alarmed, 
and  insisted  upon  his  laying  aside  all  political 
and  business  cares,  that  he  might  have  a  long 
rest  in  the  mountains.  But  grief  over  the  death 
of  my  mother,  added  to  the  anxieties  and  worries 
of  hard  campaigns,  over-taxed  his  magnificent 
vitality  and  only  made  his  condition  the  more 
serious.  A  troublesome  cough  set  in.  We  de 
cided  to  take  a  cottage  in  the  mountains  near 
San  Antonio. 

In  the  little  health  resort  of  Boerne,  in  the 
south-western  part  of  the  State,  I  fought  un 
ceasingly  and  desperately  with  death,  for  the 
life  of  my  idolized  father. 

The  summer  was  long  and  intensely  hot — we 
drove  daily  in  the  early  mornings  and  late  in 
the  evenings.  The  papers  and  the  magazines 
were  his  daily  companions,  and  under  the  trees 
we  read  and  talked. 

He  was  besieged  with  letters  from  all  parts 


218  NORBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

of  the  State  and  country.  Many  of  them  were 
good,  friendly  letters  that  I  was  glad  to  have 
him  receive,  but  more  of  them  were  petitions  and 
letters  of  political  importance  that  he  could  not 
be  persuaded  to  neglect. 

I  now  acted  as  his  secretary.  In  spite  of  his 
weakened  condition,  father  declared  that  he  was 
growing  in  strength  and,  holding  his  political 
interests,  he  continued  through  correspondence 
to  take  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  State. 

A  number  of  times  he  was  called  to  San 
Antonio  to  attend  important  conferences,  while 
he  took  great  pleasure  in  the  visits  of  friends 
who  came  to  consult  with  him  here. 

At  the  coming  of  the  winter,  we  visited  San 
Antonio.  Surely  it  is  true  that  "Southern 
souls  grow  responsive  in  this  atmosphere,"  for 
father's  friends,  numberless,  were  untiring  in 
their  devotion.  The  faithful  nurse  who  was 
with  us  in  Boerne  remained  with  us  here. 

During  one  of  the  wakeful  nights  of  his 
illness,  a  number  of  friends  sat  with  him — 
talking  politics.  Cautioning  the  men  not  to  let 
father  know  of  my  nightly  vigils,  in  order  to 
prevent  his  anxiety  over  my  broken  rest,  I  sat 
quietly  at  the  back  of  the  house. 

The  night  was  beautiful — the  moon  never 
shone  more  gloriously.  Awakening  from  a  short 
sleep,  father  insisted  that  the  night's  radiance 
was  the  coming  of  the  day.  The  men  could  not 


TEE  LAST  DAYS  219 

convince  him  that  it  was  the  moonlight.  He 
lay  quiet  for  a  moment  and  then  said  in  a  tender 
voice;— "If  'Dolly'  said  that  was  moonlight,  I 
would  know  it  was  true."  The  men  told  him; 
—•"Miss  Maud  is  awake.  Ask  her."  I  had  over 
heard  the  conversation  and  entered  the  room. 
He  showed  no  surprise  on  "discovering  that  I  was 
staying  up  all  night.  I  think  he  knew  I  suf 
fered  with  him.  In  his  droll  way  he  said,  "The 
boys  are  lying  to  me,  Dolly ;  see  how  bright  it  is ; 
isn't  it  daylight  ?"  At  my  reply,  he  laughingly 
asked  the  men's  pardon  for  disputing  them,  say 
ing,  "I  was  wrong,  fellows;  it  is  moonlight." 
And  then  for  long,  he  commented  on  the  beauty 
of  the  night. 

The  next  day  my  Uncle  Joseph  came  from 
Galveston  with  my  brother  and  grandmother. 
It  was  the  third  of  March. 

Members  of  the  family  were  constantly  at  his 
bedside,  but  wishing  to  spare  his  aged  mother 
the  heartrending  sorrow  of  his  closing  hours, 
father  asked  that  we  lead  her  from  the  room. 

With  the  most  remarkable  control  of  his  mental 
powers,  father  asked  if  the  papers  had  come,  and 
from  them  I  was  forced  with  tear-blinded 
eyes,  to  read  the  latest  reports  of  world  affairs. 
It  was  but  a  few  hours  before  his  death.  Think 
ing  that  I  would  forget,  he  asked  me  to  make  a 
memorandum  of  those  newspapers  that  had  given 
bulletins  of  his  condition — the  Galveston-Dallas 


220  NOBBIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

News,  San  Antonio  Express,  St.  Louis  Globe- 
Democrat,  and  the  New  York  Press— that  they 
might  have  proper  notification  of  his  passing 
away,  and  then  further  directed  me  in  the  care 
of  personal  matters. 

Quietly  he  lay  for  a  few  moments,  with  his 
head  pillowed  on  my  arm. 

He  whispered,  "My  work  is  ended"— a  last 
farewell  to  the  world  and,  drawing  my  face 
down  to  his,  he  kissed  me  good-bye. 

The  brave,  generous  heart  beat  no  longer. 

My  father  lay  dead. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  LAST  RITES. 

WHEN  the  message  of  father's  death  reached 
Congressman  Hawley  at  Washington,  he  said — 
"I  never  knew  a  man  in  whose  breast  there  lived 
a  more  earnest  and  unfaltering  love  of  country. 
In  political  contention  he  was  a  partisan,  bitter 
sometimes,  uncompromising  always,  but,  above 
it  all,  he  stood  for  justice.  His  friends  were 
legion,  their  cause  was  his,  and  wherever  he  was 
enlisted,  all  men  knew  he  would  steadfastly  re 
main.  He  never  wavered,  he  never  lowered  his 
flag,  and  this  was  the  glory  of  the  life  that 
passed  to-night  at  San  Antonio." 

All  day  Friday,  the  4th  of  March,  at  St. 
Paul  M.  E.  Church  in  San  Antonio,  the  remains 
were  held  in  state.  Through  the  thoughtful- 
ness  of  Hon.  R.  B.  Hawley  and  Mr.  Lee,  Collector 
of  Customs  at  Galveston,  the  Southern  Pacific 
and  the  Santa  Fe  Railroads,  in  honor  to  our 
dead,  placed  at  my  service  a  special  train,  draped 
in  mourning,  which  bore  the  remains,  accom 
panied  by  members  of  the  family  and  intimate 
friends,  to  our  Galveston  home. 
221 


222  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

By  permission  of  Adjutant-General  Mabry 
of  Texas,  a  guard  of  honor,  the  San  Antonio 
Guards — a  colored  militia  regiment — under  the 
command  of  Capt.  R.  G.  Ellis  and  the  direction 
of  Mr.  Richard  W.  Wallace,  acted  as  escort. 

My  wishes  for  quiet  ceremonies  could  not  be 
fulfilled.  Father  had  lived  a  life  of  public  ser 
vice,  and  it  was  fitting  that  the  last  opportunity 
for  the  people  he  loved  to  do  him  honor,  should 
not  be  denied. 

Funeral  services  were  held  on  March  6th  at 
Galveston.  Notices  from  the  Galveston  daily 
press  read :  "All  that  was  mortal  of  N.  Wright 
Cuney,  the  Negro  politician  and  leader  of  his 
race,  was  laid  to  rest  in  beautiful  Lake  View 
Cemetery  this  afternoon.  The  procession  that 
followed  the  body  to  the  grave  was  the  largest 
seen  in  Galveston  in  many  a  day.  Whites,  as 
well  as  blacks,  joined  in  paying  a  tribute  of 
respect  to  the  dead  leader. 

"There  thousand  people,  and  quite  a  number 
of  leading  white  citizens,  gathered  in  Harmony 
Hall  to  witness  the  ceremonies.  Perhaps  a 
thousand  people  could  not  gain  admission  and 
remained  outside.  At  12.30,  the  remains  were 
brought  from  Reedy  Chapel  where  they  had  lain 
in  state  since  their  arrival  from  San  Antonio. 
"It  was  after  1  o'clock  when  the  religious  ser 
vices  began.  Dr.  L.  H.  Reynolds  of  New  Orleans, 
assisted  by  Rev.  M.  R.  Moody,  pastor  of  Reedy 


THE  LAST  KITES  223 

Chapel,  conducted  the  exercises,  which  were  im 
pressive  to  a  degree. 

"The  Masonic  service  was  conducted  by  Grand 
Master  J.  W.  McKinney  of  Sherman,  assisted 
by  Deputy  Grand  Master  Lawrence,  and  Past 
Grand  Masters  Allen  and  Armstrong.  Mr. 
Wilf  ord  H.  Smith  of  New  York  delivered  a  eulogy 
on  behalf  of  the  masonic  fraternity.  Music 
was  rendered  by  the  Reedy  Chapel  quartette." 

The  order  of  the  funeral  procession  was  as 
follows : 

Mounted  Police 

Band 
Officiating  Ministers 

Military  companies; 

Excelsior  Guards  of  San  Antonio, 
Cocke  Rifles  of  Houston 
Lincoln  Guards  of  Galveston 

Civic  Societies;  Cotton  Screwmen  No.  2 

Longshoremen's  Aid  Association 
Knights  of  Pythias 
Odd  Fellows 
Masons 

Silver  Trowell  No.  47  of  Houston 

Magnolia  No.  3  of  Houston 

South  Gate  No.  32 

Amity  No.   4 

Grand  Lodge 


224  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

Honorary  Pall-bearers:  W.  R.  Wallace,  I.  H. 
Tanner,  H.  G.  Williams,  and  H.  E.  Ellis  of  San 
Antonio,  Webster  Wilson,  Henry  Bee,  Dr.  J.  H. 
Wilkins,  J.  H.  Holland,  James  Blair,  J.  H.  Pat 
rick,  Priest  Henderson,  W.  R.  Hill,  Arthur 
Shephard,  C.  J.  Williams,  Frank  Armand,  Lewis 
Johnson,  William  Lane,  Albert  Piner,  Wm. 
Holmes,  Bailey  Sparks  of  Houston,  Jos.  Scott, 
T.  H.  Thomas,  A.  B.  Trowell,  Prof.  John  K. 
Gibson,  W.  D.  Donnell,  W.  H.  Smith  and  Alex. 
Green. 

Active  Masonic  Pall-bearers:  Past  Masters 
George  W.  Neviells,  John  DeBruhl,  W.  H.  Love, 
Masters  E.  M.  Russell,  H.  P.  Whittlesey  and 
Lawrence  Cletheral. 

One  hundred  carriages. 

The  interment  was  in  the  family  lot  at  Lake 
View  Cemetery. 

Messages  of  condolence  poured  in  upon  us  from 
men  of  distinction  all  over  the  country,  while 
throughout  the  State  political  organizations, 
charitable  and  religious  societies  held  memorials 
and  in  their  resolutions  testified  their  recognition 
of  a  life  so  unselfishly  and  sincerely  lived. 

Among  the  many  comments  on  father's  ability 
as  a  business  man,  a  politician  and  a  leader,  none 
gave  a  truer  estimate  of  the  man  than  those  that 
follow.  Hon.  R.  L.  Fulton,  Mayor  of  Galveston, 
wrote  of  father  in  1889; — "During  the  past 
twenty  years  that  I  have  known  Mr.  Cuney  as  a 


THE  LAST  RITES  225 

public  man,  he  has  exercised  a  remarkable  in 
fluence  on  the  politics  of  this  city,  and  invariably 
in  the  interests  of  sound  money  and  honest  gov 
ernment. 

"In  State  and  National  politics,  his  position 
and  prominence  are  simply  matters  of  current 
history  to  which  his  Republican  friends  point 
with  pride,  both  here  and  elsewhere,  but  which, 
as  a  Democrat,  I  have  always  antagonized  to  the 
best  of  my  ability. 

"In  1875,  Mr.  Cuney  was  nominated  by  the 
Republican  party  of  this  city,  as  a  candidate  for 
Mayor  of  Galveston  and  I  had  the  satisfaction, 
as  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic  party,  of  de 
feating  him  for  that  position,  and  at  the  same 
time,  of  learning  of  some  of  his  excellent 
qualities  as  a  public  man/' 

Senator  Stephen  B.  Elkins  said  of  him: — "I 
have  known  Mr.  Cuney  for  many  years  and 
have  always  found  him  manly  and  honorable. 
Of  his  character  and  standing,  I  have  yet  to 
find  a  man  from  Texas  or  the  Southwest  who 
does  not  speak  in  the  highest  terms  of  him.  He 
enjoys  the  confidence  and  respect  of  both 
political  parties." 

Following  father's  death,  Hon.  E.  H.  R.  Green 
wrote  me; — "The  death  of  your  father  is  the 
loss  of  the  greatest  leader  of  his  race." 

Mr.  Thos.  Fortune  of  New  York  said  of  him; 
— "In  many  respects,  N.  W.  Cuney  was  the 


226  NOERIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

greatest  political  organizer  and  manager  the 
Afro- American  race  has  produced ;  assuredly  he 
was  one  of  the  most  generous  and  courageous  and 
at  the  time  of  his  death  no  man  of  his  race  was 
known  and  trusted  and  loved  by  more  of  the 
national  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  than 
he.  For  years  he  had  been  a  member  of  the 
national  committee,  and  honesty  had  commended 
him  to  the  good  esteem  of  the  men  who  have 
dominated  the  political  destinies  since  the 
war. 

"Mr.  Cuney  occupied  a  unique  place  in  the 
life  of  Texas.  In  the  winter  of  1896,  I  spent  a 
few  months  in  Texas  and  was  his  guest  at  Gal- 
veston  and  saw  much  of  him. 

"In  a  State  where  race  prejudice  is  almost 
as  strong  as  it  is  in  Georgia,  he  was  treated 
almost  everywhere,  in  places  of  public  amuse 
ment  and  accomodation,  as  white  men  are 
treated.  On  one  occasion  we  rode  out  to  the 
Surf  House,  a  very  aristocratic  resort,  and  spent 
a  half  hour  there.  His  advent  in  the  cafe  at 
tracted  the  attention  of  all  the  people  there, 
people  prominent  in  the  varied  life  of  Galveston, 
who  accosted  him  with  the  heartiness  and 
courtesy  of  tried  and  true  comradeship. 

"Off  in  a  corner,  a  stranger,  a  southerner, 
much  surprised  asked  his  companion; — 'Who  is 
that  yellow  fellow'  ?  'Oh,  that's  Wright  Cuney/ 
said  in  a  way  to  settle  the  Black  Flagger's  right 


THE  LAST  EITES  227 

in  the  place.  'Indeed !  I  have  heard  lots  of  him. 
He  looks  like  a  Mexican  and  as  fierce  as  one.' 
'Oh,  Wright  Cuney  can  take  care  of  himself.' 
So  he  could;  and  that  was  the  general  opinion 
all  over  Texas.  'That's  Wright  Cuney,'  was 
sufficient  to  give  him  a  right  of  way  where  other 
men  of  his  race  would  have  been  thrust  out  with 
out  ceremony  or  mobbed,  not  because  he  re 
sembled  a  Mexican,  but  because  he  had  brains 
and  courage  and  had  won  the  leadership  of  a 
great  party  by  hard  knocks  and  steady  blows, 
and  was  a  gentleman  of  the  true  southern  type, 
generous  and  impulsive,  so  that  all  Texans  of  all 
races  and  colors  were  proud  of  him  and 
respected  him. 

"The  devotion  of  the  Afro- American  race  of 
Texas  to  Mr.  Cuney  was  one  of  the  strongest 
and  strangest  in  our  politics  and  was  such  as  no 
other  man  of  his  race  has  ever  enjoyed  in  this 
country.  In  most  southern  states,  actual  leader 
ship  has  been  vested  in  white  men.  Florida, 
Georgia  and  Louisiana  have  been  exceptions  to 
the  rule  and  Mississippi  is  now;  but  in  none  of 
those  states  did  the  black  voters  stick  as  closely 
to  a  black  leader  as  those  of  Texas  did  to  Norris 
Wright  Cuney." 

Mr.  Wm.  H.  McDonald  of  Port  Worth,  Texas, 
says  of  him: — "The  Negro  race  looked  for  and 
needed  a  man  worthy  to  lead  them — looked  for 
a  man  who  was  a  ripe  student,  who  had  the 


228  NOEEIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

audacity  of  genius  and  was  a  good  combination 
of  heart,  conscience  and  brain.  Mr.  N.  W. 
Cuney,  the  gallant  'Yellow  Rose'  of  Galveston 
County — this  political  leader  with  patriotism  as 
taintless  as  the  air,  battled  for  the  rights  of 
others.  He  fought  his  political  battles  to  pre 
vent  arrogance  from  predominating  over  his 
patient  brethren,  and  the  women  and  children 
of  his  race.  This  man  stands  alone — ancient  or 
modern  degeneracy  did  not  reach  him. 

"The  white  Republicans  thought  his  high 
standing  in  political  fields  so  impaired  theirs, 
that  they  conspired  to  remove  him  in  order  to  be 
relieved  of  his  superiority. 

"No  State  chicanery,  no  narrow  system  of 
vicious  politics,  no  idle  contest  for  ministerial 
victories  sank  him  to  the  vulgar  level  of  the 
great  men  of  the  race;  his  object  was  advance, 
his  ambition,  race  pride  and  patriotism. 

"Without  appealing  to  race,  he  destroyed  his 
party  enemies ;  without  corruption,  he  ruled  the 
Republican  party  of  Texas.  His  idea  was  to 
make  a  venal  age  glorious. 

"The  ordinary  feelings  which  made  life 
amiable  and  indolent — those  sensations  which 
soften,  allure  and  vulgarize  were  unknown  to 
him.  Aloof  from  the  sordid  occurrences  of  life 
and  unsullied  by  its  intercourse,  he  came  into 
our  system  to  counsel  and  decide.  A  character 
so  exalted,  so  strenuous,  so  authoritative,  aston- 


THE  LAST  KITES  229 

ished  corrupt  politicians  and  a  corrupt  age,  and 
they  all  trembled  at  the  name  of  Cuney. 

"Nothing  can  be  said  that  would  add  a  single 
laurel  or  ray  of  glory  to  the  chaplet  of  fame 
bound  about  his  brow  by  the  willing  hands  of  a 
loving  people.  Words  are  futile  to  express  the 
unbounded  admiration  of  his  people,  in  which 
their  confidence  and  love  encompass  him." 

In  his  eulogy,  Dr.  Eeynolds  said; — "Life  was 
not  to  him  a  holiday,  a  thing  to  be  enjoyed  with 
song  and  laughter  and  tinsel  and  glitter,  but  it 
was  the  sphere  and  opportunity  for  stern,  un 
compromising,  unrelenting  conflict  with  adverse 
conditions  and  hostile  forces. 

"He  was  courageous.  N.  W.  Cuney  was  no 
trimmer.  What  he  believed  he  held  to  with  the 
tenacity  of  a  great  and  vigorous  mind,  and  then 
had  the  courage  to  proclaim  it  when  others  fled 
or  were  discreetly  silent.  This  spectacle  was 
often  seen  in  his  stormy  career,  in  conference,  in 
conventions,  on  the  hustings,  the  masses  spurred 
on  by  short-sighted  leaders  and  burning  with 
misdirected  zeal  bent  in  one  direction,  and  this 
man  often  single-handed  and  alone  standing 
before  them,  his  massive  brow  furrowed  with 
lines  of  determination,  his  eyes  ablaze,  his  out 
stretched  hand  pointing  the  right  way  and  his 
voice  sounding  above  the  roar  of  discontent. 
'You  shall  go  this  way,'  and  they  went  his  way. 

"He  was  a  born  leader  of  men.     The  ability 


230  NOKRIS  WEIGHT  CUNEY 

to  plan  wisely  and  then  to  project  those  plans 
into  the  minds  of  others  with  such  clearness  and 
force  as  to  secure  approval,  is  no  mean  power. 
It  is  the  basis  upon  which  has  rested  the  success 
of  the  world's  great  leaders. 

"He  was  a  resourceful  man.  No  one  ever 
knew  when  he  was  defeated.  Often  when  in 
the  heat  of  battle  some  one  sounded  retreat, 
when  disaster  seemed  traced  in  letters  of  ominous 
blackness  on  the  banner  which  floated  over  his 
scattered  allies,  he  would  emerge  at  the  head  of 
a  new  force  and  move  on  to  victory. 

"He  was  an  intense  race  man.  He  thought 
and  planned  and  hoped  and  fought  for  his  race. 
Because  of  his  superior  intelligence  and  the 
respect  in  which  he  was  held  everywhere,  even 
among  the  most  cultured  of  the  land,  he  might 
have  drifted  away  from  his  people,  as  many  have 
done  but,  like  Moses  of  old,  he  chose  rather  to 
suffer  affliction  with  his  own  people  than  to 
enjoy  honors  and  pleasure  with  another  race. 

"'Know  ye  not  that  a  great  man  has  fallen 
this  day  in  Israel/  r' 


THE  END. 


LOAN  DEPT. 

teWAttsfifiSae*** 


LD2lA-40m-8,'71 
(P6572slO)476-A-32 


